Israeli government policies and attitudes against the Palestinians

Whoever believes that Israel, with all its components, is still interested in the "peace" process, since the end of the transitional period on 4/5/1999, and the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in late September 2000, and the accompanying excessive use of military force, which was represented by killing and demolishing homes, is mistaken. The siege of cities, villages, and camps, the dismemberment of the occupied Palestinian territories, and the re-establishment of direct military control by the occupation army over Area A, all of which paved the way for fundamental changes in Israel's policy towards the settlement process.

The first of these changes was the failure to move forward in negotiating the issues of the final stage, the second was the retreat and dissolution of its obligations towards the transitional stage, and the third, and most important, is the survival of Israel in the occupied territories, the strengthening of settlements in all its forms and names, the expansion of existing ones, the confiscation of lands, the construction of bypass roads, and the construction of new bases for the army. Including shooting ranges. This is in addition to circumventing all the political initiatives that were put forward during the Al-Aqsa Intifada, with the aim of reaching a permanent political settlement between the Palestinians and the Israelis, such as the Arab Peace Initiative endorsed by the Arab Summit held in Beirut in 2022, or the “road map” in 2022. 2003.

Israel worked with all its power, hard or soft, to change the rules of the game by imposing new realities on the ground, giving itself a margin and ample time to slowly decompose from the Oslo Accords without paying any political price, by investing all local, Arab, regional and international data and variables. To develop new policies and procedures through which it defines the form, nature, and foundations of its relationship with the Palestinian National Authority in terms of security, politics, and economy, which constituted a significant regression, to the point of nullification, of what was reached through negotiations with the Palestinians. What made matters more complicated was that it resumed negotiations with the Palestinian National Authority on issues that were originally agreed upon through negotiations.

There is no doubt that Israel is continuing its policies and strategies against the Palestinian people, and that what it is doing in the occupied territories is a clear expression of a systematic, arrogant, racist policy, based on security solutions and an iron fist in its dealings with the Palestinian people and their political aspirations. And the accompanying grave violations represented in killings, assassinations and arrests. The number of martyrs in 2022 reached (226), including (55) children, and the number of martyrs until 05/17/2023 reached (157), including (27) children. H.

In addition to that, the severe restrictions imposed on freedom of movement and movement, the closure and siege of cities, villages and camps, and the escalation in the policy of demolishing homes and other facilities. In the year 2022, the occupation forces demolished (714) facilities, and until the end of April 2023 they demolished (264) Palestinian facilities. Forced displacement, preventing Palestinians from building or investing in Area C, and confiscating land to build new settlements or expand existing ones, is still a systematic policy by Israel that aims to empty the land of its original inhabitants, not to mention the daily attacks of settlers under the protection of an army. The occupation of the citizens, where the settlers are no longer mere looters of land, but offensive armed militias that practice killing and abuse.

The situation is no less tragic in the occupied city of Jerusalem, as this city is exposed to systematic Judaization and Israeliization operations represented in changing street names, occupying Arab homes, imposing administrative procedures and laws that restrict the right of Palestinians to practice their normal daily lives, in addition to attacks that affect Islamic and Christian religious places. , especially the daily incursions, by settlers, into Al-Aqsa Mosque, as well as the continuous attacks that affect Palestinian citizens in Jerusalem, harassing them, not granting citizens building permits, imposing the Israeli curriculum on Palestinian schools, stripping Jerusalemites of identities, and encouraging the phenomenon of promoting and using drugs of similar origin. Israeli, and other policies aimed at emptying the city of Palestinian citizens. The war on Jerusalem and in Jerusalem is a war on demography and geography, and on historical primacy, in other words, it is a war on the narrative.

In short, this is the prevailing daily scene in the Palestinian territories, which is repeated from Rafah in the south to Jenin in the north. As for Gaza, its blockade is unprecedented, and wars of aggression appear on it, whenever signs of an internal crisis appear on the horizon in the occupying state. So, it is a directed policy with the measures it includes that constitute, in their entirety, full-fledged violations and crimes committed by the occupation army and settlers against Palestinian civilians, in flagrant violation of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, foremost of which is the Fourth Geneva Convention for the Protection of Civilians Under Occupation, and the Hague Conventions.

Politically, the current government, as well as the previous governments, and even the subsequent Israeli governments, will keep their policies, strategy, and political thought based on their religious ideology based on the fact that this land is the (promised) land, and therefore there is no serious return to the negotiating table in order to achieve a settlement, and in the best case, it will be negotiations and meetings. It serves Israeli interests and has a security nature, or in order to discuss some humanitarian issues (facilitation) according to the Israeli concept and policy whenever necessary. And the continuation of the policy of the violent security fist, including security solutions to confront our people, and the continuation of the invasion of the various occupied Palestinian territories. And more annexation of Palestinian lands for settlements. And the slicing of the Palestinian territories, so that there will be no geographical contiguity between them, and the continuation of the "Israelization" of the city of Jerusalem, and the displacement of Palestinian citizens from it. And the use of financial pressure on the national authority as a tool. And continue to pursue a policy of collective punishment. Including the blockade of the Gaza Strip, and aggression against it. All this in order not to eventually be an independent Palestinian state.

It is true that Israel can accept, at best, a Palestinian entity, but with a full Israeli size and detail that is less than a state, and in a manner similar to restricted self-rule, according to the Israeli vision. Today, what Israel means is the continuation of its occupation of the Palestinian lands and the preservation of the status quo.

As for the future of the PA, it depends on its (functional) role from the Israeli point of view, and the extent to which the PA's existence is in harmony with the policies and strategies of the occupation. Among the reasons: First, that the authority today constitutes a title and a reference for the Palestinians, at least internally, and that the existence of the authority on the Palestinian lands (even on some of them) exempts Israel as an occupying power before the international community from its administrative and civil responsibilities under international humanitarian law and human rights law, including Including the services that you must provide to the occupied people, such as education, health, and other necessary life services.

Also, the continued existence of the Authority exempts the occupation from providing large budgets and military battalions to establish order and security within the Palestinian cities, villages and camps permanently, as it wants a land without residents, and its existence also helps the occupying state in providing security for the occupiers, and the most important political reason for the existence of the Authority from the Israeli point of view In that the authority remains in its position as an authority only, in order for the authority not to turn into a state, and thus block the way for the Palestinians to establish their independent state on their national soil, so that the future state does not pose any existential threat to Israel.

The continued existence of the Authority, it seems, depends on Israel's policy, interests, strategies, and vision of the existence and function of the Authority, that is, when Israel reaches the conclusion that there is no benefit or futility from the existence of the Authority, it will begin to weaken it in various ways, and if necessary, resolve the issue without preliminaries, through It destroys civilian institutions and security headquarters, relying on its superiority and military power, but now it is not willing to do so, not out of love for power, or fear of the reactions of the international community, but based on its interests. Today, more than ever, Israel determines the rules of the game on the ground.

This policy and strategy is based on the ideology and intellectual premises of the Zionist parties, in addition to the personal aspirations of Netanyahu, as well as the aspirations of the leaders of those parties. Netanyahu has a personal ambition to remain in power, as he will do everything in his power to stay in power and preserve the government coalition. Netanyahu will not lose anything from his (pocket) in this narrow sense. The intent here is that the one who will pay the price for the continuation of his government and the preservation of the government coalition is the Palestinian people. Whenever Netanyahu's allies are satisfied with his performance towards the Palestinians, and thus the government coalition is only destabilized and falls, if there are serious negotiations with the Palestinians, or there is an obstruction to settlement, or the like.

Therefore, the current Israeli government, as well as subsequent Israeli governments, will be a continuation of the same approach. Rather, this government, since it includes settlers and extremists in it, will mean more Israeli escalation in the pace of events in the occupied Palestinian territories and on various levels and fronts.

Therefore, what is required today from the Palestinians is the strengthening of the home front and the restoration of national unity through political partnership, and agreement on a political program, in addition to the availability of political will, and respect for all decisions taken by the Palestinian Central Council. And requesting the United Nations General Assembly of the International Court of Justice to issue an advisory opinion regarding the prohibited transfer of numbers of Palestinian citizens by the occupation, and requesting the United Nations General Assembly to submit to the International Court of Justice to issue an advisory opinion on the legitimacy of the Balfour Declaration that paved the way for the establishment of the occupying state.

The State of Palestine submits a request to the United Nations to implement United Nations General Assembly Resolution No. (181), and continuously requests the Security Council, the United Nations General Assembly, and the Human Rights Council to take action and measures regarding Israeli violations in the occupied Palestinian territory.

Likewise, the authority demands the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to fulfill their obligations stipulated in Article 1 of the Convention, according to which they undertake to respect the Convention and ensure respect for it in all circumstances, as well as its obligations under Article (146) of the Convention to prosecute those accused of committing gross violations of the Convention, and Article (147) Of the same agreement, in addition to other contractual mechanisms, conducting a comprehensive investigation into the commercial activities carried out by companies and financial institutions registered in their countries and benefiting from Israeli settlements and other activities, and working to create an international public opinion supportive of our people and against the occupying state through conferences seminars, art exhibitions, photographs and articles, and more and more activity for public diplomacy and for popular diplomacy.