Dr. Ahmed Rafiq Awad: Some parties’ attempt to reshape the Palestinian political system prompted Hamas and Fatah to take action

Ahmad Zakarneh: Palestinian reconciliation can provide a framework for a unified national vision supported by Saudi Arabia and the Arab group

Sari Arabi: National consensus is necessary and has become the main pillar to save the Gaza Strip from genocide crimes

Khalil Shaheen: Talking about agreements is due to Fatah and Hamas’ concern about the future more than it is a response to the needs of the stage

Samer Anabtawi: Ending the division and differences between Fatah and Hamas is no longer an option but a national necessity imposed by developments in reality

Attempts to reach an agreement between the Fatah and Hamas movements are increasing in light of the tragic conditions and the war of extermination in the Gaza Strip, as national unity has become a necessity to confront regional and international challenges, and to try to reach an agreement on the administration of the Gaza Strip by the Palestinian Authority, in anticipation of any Israeli, regional or international ideas in this regard.

In separate interviews with “I”, writers and political analysts believe that international and regional pressure and the suffering of the Gaza Strip have prompted the two movements to consider strengthening cooperation to confront attempts to reshape the Palestinian political system. Although the agreement may not be comprehensive, it could put them in a stronger position towards these transformations.

Writers and political analysts point out that Palestinian consensus enhances the possibility of support from Arab countries, which may lead to support for efforts to save Gaza and stop the aggression. Reconstruction in Gaza also requires an internationally recognized Palestinian leadership, which may push Hamas to accept the role of the Palestinian Authority in managing the sector, especially since the continued control of Hamas may hinder the arrival of international support.

They stress that national consensus is the basis for saving Gaza from genocide, as the Palestinian people need national unity to confront the Israeli aggression, and that the unity of the Palestinian position is necessary to establish Palestinian rights and prevent the occupation from consolidating its influence, and that the agreement between Fatah and Hamas may represent a positive step in the face of Israeli challenges, and may contribute to alleviating the severity of the aggression on Gaza.

Attempts to achieve reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas

Writer and political analyst Dr. Ahmed Rafiq Awad confirms that in light of the worsening conditions inside the Palestinian territories, new attempts to achieve reconciliation between the Fatah and Hamas movements are emerging on the horizon, which has become urgent in light of the exceptional circumstances that the Palestinian arena in general and the Gaza Strip in particular are going through.

Awad believes that several factors make reaching an agreement between the two movements possible and appropriate for the current stage, even if this does not mean a comprehensive and complete agreement on all points.

Awad explains that both Fatah and Hamas are currently in a "bottleneck" as a result of the increasing pressures on the Palestinian national project from regional, international and Israeli parties.

Awad points out that there is a serious attempt by some parties to reshape the Palestinian political system in a new way, whether by marginalizing some political forces, or by imposing restrictive conditions, or even making radical changes in the structure of the Palestinian leadership, whether in the Gaza Strip or the West Bank, which is what prompted the Fatah and Hamas movements to take action.

Awad confirms that this situation prompted the two movements to think about enhancing ways of cooperation, even at a minimal level, to confront these pressures, in order to preserve their existence in the face of regional and international transformations.

Compatibility is a necessity, not an option.

He believes that agreement between Fatah and Hamas has become a necessity and not an option, as the two movements need to agree at this difficult stage in order to confront the current political challenges.

Awad stresses that the main goal of any agreement will be to protect the two movements from external pressures, and to avoid any attempts to eliminate them or force them to abandon the Palestinian national project.

He stressed that the alliance of the two movements could represent an important step in confronting the regional and international powers that seek to impose their own visions on the Palestinian scene, pointing out that the extent of the current pressures is unprecedented, and includes expected changes at the level of structure, ideologies and trends, which calls for immediate action to reach a minimum level of consensus.

Awad explains that the agreement between the two movements may be the basis for reducing the intensity of the Israeli aggression on Gaza, especially since Israel is waging an intensive war aimed at emptying the Gaza Strip, as it continues to direct strikes targeting the infrastructure and civilians, amidst a lack of response to any ceasefire initiatives except under strict Israeli conditions.

Awad believes that such an agreement will provide the international community with a basis on which to demand that Israel make concessions to stop the aggression, as unifying the Palestinian ranks will create a framework acceptable to international parties to stop the aggression on the Strip.

Regarding the reconstruction of Gaza, Awad points out that Hamas also realizes that it will not be able to rebuild the Strip if it continues to control its administration, because donor agencies will not deal with it directly, and therefore reconstruction requires a unified Palestinian leadership and internationally recognized legitimacy.

According to Awad, from this standpoint, it seems that Hamas may accept that the Palestinian Authority assume responsibility for managing Gaza, if consensus is achieved, to facilitate the arrival of international support and enhance donor confidence.

Awad points out that current evidence suggests that the understanding between the two movements may include the formation of a special committee to manage the sector under the supervision of the Palestinian Authority, which would contribute to providing an internationally acceptable framework that could open the way to providing the basic needs of the residents of the sector.

But Awad points out that the success of this approach depends to a large extent on the willingness of the international community, especially regional parties, such as Saudi Arabia, to pressure Israel to accept the new formula for managing the sector.

Despite the potential impact of the agreement between Fatah and Hamas on the field and political levels, Awad warns that Israel will not deal easily with this change.

According to Awad, Israel does not want any strong Palestinian leadership to emerge in the Gaza Strip, but rather seeks to impose new conditions, whether in terms of security control or the economy, to prevent any return of Palestinian organizations to the arena in an influential manner.

Israeli efforts to dismantle any unity between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

Awad asserts that Israel is adopting a policy aimed at dismantling any unity between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, as it seeks to separate the two regions through policies aimed at creating a new Palestinian leadership that is subject to Israel’s requirements and deals with the Strip and the West Bank separately.

Hence, Awad believes that Palestinian consensus, even if limited, may create an incentive for Arab countries and countries supporting the Palestinians to intensify pressure on Israel and push it to deal with the emerging Palestinian unity as an official political framework.

Awad views the possibility of the Palestinian Authority taking over the administration of the Strip as a positive step that may help ease the current aggression, provided that Arab, American and European pressure is activated on Israel to accept this situation.

He believes that this step requires Arab and international consensus that stands in the face of the expected Israeli conditions, as Israel will seek to impose strict conditions that limit the effectiveness of the Authority in the Strip, in a way that ensures maintaining its military control over the region.

Awad stresses that the chances of success of this step remain dependent on the extent of the readiness of international and regional parties to activate pressure on Israel, which will certainly seek to place obstacles in the way of this agreement, especially in light of the absence of an effective role for some major powers capable of changing the equations on the ground.

Reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas is closer than ever

Writer and political analyst Ahmed Zakarna believes that reaching an agreement between the Fatah and Hamas movements is closer than ever in light of the bloody events taking place in the Gaza Strip, specifically the northern part of the Strip.

Zakarna explains that the “extermination war” that the Palestinian people in Gaza are being subjected to has contributed to creating a new environment towards unity, which makes the time appropriate to achieve this necessary agreement.

Zakarneh believes that the agreement between the two movements will have a major impact on the efforts to save Gaza and cease fire, as Palestinian unity is a basic element to support Arab and international movements in this context, especially the movements led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within the framework of what is known as the international coalition to establish the Palestinian state, which requires Palestinian unity to support the efforts aimed at reaching a two-state solution.

He explains that Palestinian reconciliation could provide a framework for a unified Palestinian vision supported by Saudi Arabia and the Arab group, and presented to international allies to establish the Palestinians’ right to establish a sovereign state.

Zakarna confirms that this agreement will have tangible field and political effects, especially in light of the moves aimed at stopping the aggression and strengthening Palestinian legitimacy.

Regarding the Hamas movement’s orientations, Zakarneh believes that the movement has accepted for some time the PA’s management of the Gaza Strip, noting that Hamas does not seek to return to leadership of the Strip, for several reasons, the most prominent of which is that the world will not deal with the Gaza Strip under the rule of a factional movement, but rather prefers to deal with the Palestinian Authority, which represents the executive arm of the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Zakarna stresses that the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip requires the existence of an internationally agreed-upon political address, which makes Hamas’s acceptance of the administration of the Authority something expected and accepted internationally and regionally.

Zakarneh explains that Hamas’s losses, whether on the political or field level, in addition to the damage inflicted on the structure that the movement established over the past seventeen years, prevent it from regaining sole rule over the Strip. Although it may be a partner in the administration, its role will be secondary and not at the forefront.

The impact of the Authority's management of Gaza on efforts to stop the war

Regarding the impact of the PA’s management of the Gaza Strip on efforts to stop the war, Zakarna believes that this step may contribute tangibly to achieving this, as it is expected to be used as an important political card by the countries of the region and by the Western allies, in addition to international pressures led by the BRICS countries, Russia and a number of allies.

Zakarneh believes that redefining the role of the Palestinian Authority as an executive arm of the PLO will be a pivotal point, especially with efforts to prevent Israel from redefining political and security relations in Gaza to serve its interests.

National unity is a necessary condition to face challenges

Writer and political analyst Sari Arabi asserts that Palestinian national consensus constitutes the fundamental pillar for saving Gaza from the threat of genocide, explaining that achieving national unity is a necessary condition for confronting the profound challenges surrounding the Palestinian cause, not only in Gaza, but in all of Palestine.

Arabi believes that the Israeli occupation's aggression on the Gaza Strip might have been less fierce if there had been Palestinian national unity, pointing out that the Palestinian people are being subjected to systematic attacks by the Israeli war machine, which exploits military and logistical superiority to achieve its goals, while Palestine lacks the sufficient capabilities to confront this comprehensive war.

Arabi explains that confronting the Israeli aggression requires a unified vision and an agreed-upon national program, considering that the current dispersion hinders the efforts of the Palestinians and increases the size of the challenges imposed on them.

Arabi stresses that national consensus is not just an option in confronting aggression, but also a basic condition for advancing the Palestinian cause and stopping the attempts at genocide being practiced against the Palestinians in Gaza.

Arabi points out that the Israeli occupation's efforts to succeed in implementing its plans in Gaza aim to consolidate the Zionist project, which seeks to expand its influence and control over the Palestinian territories, so that it is not limited to Gaza alone, but rather extends to include the rest of Palestine, which threatens the Palestinian identity and the rights of the Palestinian people.

Arabi stresses that the national interests of all Palestinian political forces require reaching a national agreement, pointing out that Hamas has shown a willingness to give up the administration of the Gaza Strip on several occasions before the current war, such as the 2017 agreement, where the movement announced its willingness to do so and dissolved the administrative committee in Gaza, as well as the 2014 agreement, which witnessed similar steps.

Hamas shows greater flexibility regarding giving up control of the Gaza Strip

Under the current circumstances, Arabi explains that Hamas is showing greater flexibility regarding the possibility of relinquishing the administration of the Gaza Strip, but it stipulates that Gaza not be subject to any Israeli, regional or international guardianship, but rather that the agreement be made according to a purely Palestinian vision.

Arabi believes that the emergence of a unified national position can play a positive role in attempts to stop the Israeli war, even if the Palestinians face major challenges in imposing a halt to the aggression, stressing that national unity remains an urgent necessity in the face of a historical enemy that seeks to undermine Palestinian rights.

Arabi stresses that the solution to the issue does not lie in the ideas, proposals or available visions; since the Palestinian division, many ideas have emerged that contribute to resolving the issue of division and achieving unity, but the real problem lies in the political will and the agreement of the national forces to achieve common aspirations, considering that the responsible national position towards the war on Gaza requires serious work to confront the comprehensive and ongoing war on the Palestinians, whether in Gaza or in the West Bank, and Palestinian consensus is important as it is a common national interest and a collective responsibility.

Arabi points out that the Israeli occupation is targeting the Palestinian people in the West Bank as well, through policies that aim to eliminate any political entity for the Palestinians, which makes Palestinian unity an unavoidable necessity.

US Election Options Between “Bad” and “Worse”

Writer and political analyst Khalil Shaheen believes that the recent moves towards understanding between the Fatah and Hamas movements in light of the rapid regional and international changes, especially with the approach of the US presidential elections, come in the context of the two movements’ concern about the future and uncertainty regarding US policies towards the Palestinian issue, more than being a direct response to the needs of the current stage.

He explains that the upcoming US elections may bring the Palestinian Authority options ranging from “bad” to “worse.” Even if current US Vice President Kamala Harris wins, no fundamental change in US policy towards the Palestinians is expected, given that she was a partner in the decisions taken by the Biden administration during the war on Gaza.

Harris, Shaheen believes, is not a candidate for a radical shift, as she is likely to continue the approach taken by the previous Democratic administration, including continuing the partnership with Israel on many issues without serious pressure to change the current reality.

But the most dangerous and worst scenario, according to Shaheen, is the possibility of former President Donald Trump winning, which brings to mind the “nightmares of the deal of the century.” His return to power means reviving ideas that focus on enabling Israel to extend its full sovereignty over Jerusalem, and ensuring Israel’s freedom to operate in the West Bank, including the possibility of annexing parts of it.

Shaheen also points to Trump's previous statements about "the small size of Israel," which suggests the possibility of supporting Israeli plans aimed at expanding its geographical influence, and perhaps re-introducing plans for forced displacement or encouraging immigration.

For the people of Gaza, with the aim of creating a new reality and perhaps beyond that.

Shaheen believes that the Gaza Strip is at the heart of this future concern. The Palestinian Authority believes that Trump’s victory may reinforce Israeli-American tendencies that push toward creating a military administration for the Gaza Strip, and leave the Palestinians there with two choices: accepting a situation in which Israel controls security matters, or emigrating from the Strip. On the other hand, the Hamas movement, which has been subjected to pressure and assassinations of its leaders such as Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar, finds itself in a difficult defensive position, as it seeks to find an administrative formula that allows it to control the Strip without losing its influence there.

In this context, Shaheen refers to previous statements by the former head of Hamas's political bureau, the martyr Ismail Haniyeh, when he said after relinquishing the presidency of the tenth government: "Hamas is relinquishing the government, but it is not leaving power."

Hamas moves to maintain its influence in the Gaza Strip

Shaheen believes that this strategy will continue, as Hamas is now moving towards maintaining its influence in the Gaza Strip by providing basic services to the population and resisting the occupation.

Shaheen highlights the complexities of reaching an administrative or governmental agreement between Fatah and Hamas, as attempts to agree on an “administrative committee” to administer Gaza have failed, while Shaheen points out that disagreements have emerged over the authority and powers of this committee; will it be under the management of the national consensus government headed by Prime Minister Dr. Mohammed Mustafa, or will it be a new government that is agreed upon? President Mahmoud Abbas is also hesitant to grant the committee expanded powers to administer the sector during the reconstruction phase, which prompted Mohammed Mustafa to form a parallel committee with the aim of preempting any powers that might be granted to the agreed upon committee.

Due to the complexities of this file, Shaheen believes that returning to the initial dialogue has become inevitable, expecting that any serious move towards Palestinian unity will be postponed until the results of the US elections become clear, and the new US administration assumes its duties until next March, as the matter will depend largely on the possibility of Trump winning or not, and the orientations of the new US administration that will take over after the elections.

A common Palestinian vision to thwart attempts to control Gaza

On the other hand, Shaheen stresses that achieving internal Palestinian consensus has become a strategic need to ensure the formulation of a common Palestinian vision that will block Israel’s attempts to control the Gaza Strip after the war, as the existence of a Palestinian agreement will be an indicator of the independence of the Palestinian decision, and will show that the Palestinians alone decide their affairs, which will make it difficult for countries that may propose alternative plans for the Strip to continue their efforts.

Shaheen believes that the presence of a unified Arab position, even if reluctantly, will lead to support for the Palestinian position on the international scene, including Russian, Chinese and perhaps European support, which puts the United States in a complicated position and makes it more submissive to listening to Palestinian demands.

Shaheen believes that the changes on the northern front and with Iran, and the developments in the conflict in the region, have made communication with regional parties more necessary, especially since the files have become interconnected. Reaching an agreement on Gaza may be reflected on the northern front and vice versa, which means that everyone is waiting to see what the US elections will lead to in order to know the fate of the regional file in general.

He stresses that these regional and international variables are pushing the Palestinian Authority and Hamas to achieve internal Palestinian consensus, especially with the possibility of changes in the US foreign policy discourse about not eliminating Hamas, but rather wanting the movement to not be in power the day after the war, such that it has been observed that there is a tendency to manage the conflict instead of liquidating it, which imposes on the Palestinians a new readiness to deal with any scenario that may appear after the upcoming US presidential elections.

A systematic policy to liquidate the Palestinian cause

Writer and political analyst Samer Anabtawi believes that the escalation of current events in Palestine reflects a systematic policy by the Zionist movement aimed at completely liquidating the Palestinian cause.

Anbatawi points out that this policy constitutes an unprecedented escalation against the Gaza Strip, and extensive attempts to impose new facts on the ground in the West Bank through settlement, in addition to strict measures targeting prisoners, holy sites, and any element that represents the Palestinian identity.

In this context, Anabtawi believes that the responsibility of ending the division between the Fatah and Hamas movements is no longer an option, but rather a national necessity imposed by developments in reality, stressing that the shedding of Palestinian blood requires the Palestinian parties to confront these challenges as one in order to emerge from the crisis.

He points out that this situation requires the Palestinian parties to form a unified national leadership, which has been repeatedly agreed upon during meetings held in Arab and foreign capitals in the presence of the secretaries-general of the Palestinian factions.

Anbatawi points out that the Palestinian Central and National Councils approved a number of decisions supporting unity, but none of them were implemented, which kept internal differences between the Fatah and Hamas movements on various political and administrative issues.

Anbatawi explains that if these decisions had been implemented based on the Palestinian constants of liberating the land, resisting the occupation, completely severing relations with Israel, and rebuilding Palestinian society on the basis of it being a people under occupation that resists, this would have had a direct impact on the current events in Gaza.

He points out that the internal division represents a loophole exploited by the United States of America, Israel and some regional parties to implement their own ambitions in Gaza.

Hamas will not accept the authority's administration of the Gaza Strip

On the other hand, Anabtawi believes that Hamas will most likely not accept the Palestinian Authority administering the Gaza Strip as long as the fundamental differences between the two sides continue.

Anbatawi points out that the repetition of the authority’s positions, which he sees as ineffective in confronting the war of extermination, and the increasing impact of the division on the bases and leaders of the two movements, reinforce this rejectionist position in the Hamas movement.

Anbatawi believes that Hamas has a different vision for managing the Gaza Strip, and that reaching a deep consensus between the two movements regarding Gaza requires that no regional or international party interfere in this matter.

Regarding the impact of the PA taking over the administration of Gaza on the current war or ceasefire, Anabtawi believes that Israel will not accept this scenario, even if the PA is the party that administers the Strip.

Netanyahu's government seeks annexation and deepens Palestinian division

Anbatawi asserts that Netanyahu's far-right government is adopting a policy aimed at annexing most of the West Bank and controlling parts of Gaza.

He points out that Israel's acceptance of the existence of a unified Palestinian entity, even if it is under the authority's administration, is considered an obstacle to its strategy, as this approach contradicts Netanyahu and his government's plans to dismantle and weaken the Palestinian Authority to prevent the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the future, which is what Netanyahu's government does not want by rejecting the Palestinian entity.

Anbatawi believes that the Israeli strategy aims to deepen the Palestinian division and maintain the status quo in Gaza as part of a policy of gradually cleansing it of its population and turning it into an area unfit for living, while the occupation continues to control large parts of the West Bank.

Anbatawi points out that the Israeli occupation state aims to gradually seize about 60% of the West Bank lands, by gradually weakening the Palestinian Authority until it abolishes its existence and powers, and by escalating the conflict between settlers and Palestinian citizens in the West Bank.

Thus, Anbatawi believes that Israel ultimately seeks to eliminate any Palestinian political entity that could claim its rights and represent the aspirations of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the establishment of an independent state.

Anbatawi believes that this complex situation requires Palestinian leaders to realize the extent of the surrounding risks and work to strengthen unity to confront the increasing challenges, but achieving this goal requires a real will for national unity and overcoming any obstacles that prevent its achievement.