For years, the "Hamas resistance" in the Gaza Strip has gradually and regularly turned into a tool to consolidate its rule rather than a means to defeat the occupation. During the "May 2021 War", Hamas managed to kidnap Heba Sheikh Jarrah, and the unprecedented international solidarity with it against the racism of the occupation in this neighborhood targeted for uprooting and settlement control, along with a large number of citizens' homes in the various neighborhoods of Jerusalem threatened with demolition and confiscation, which was revealed in At the same time, the powerlessness of both the organization and the authority in managing the battle in any of its public, political, diplomatic or even media dimensions.

Since that war, Hamas has returned to its original project, claiming its exclusive right to represent the Palestinian people. In order to market this saying, I once again derive its "rationality" that has always been unique to the Muslim Brotherhood movement since the start of the revolution in the conflict with the Israeli occupation. Certainly, it is not intended here to call for the continuation of the "war", what is meant by that is the continuation of the aggression and the crimes of killing and destruction that the Israeli occupation governments always carry out with or without a pretext. However, duty and responsibility require shedding light and conducting a calm dialogue about the content of the real goal that Hamas wants on the one hand, and Israel seeks on the other hand, in light of the absolute and suspicious absence of the PLO, the National Authority, and the factions affiliated with them. This is at a time when the organization considers itself to be the only legitimate representative, and the authority asserts that it represents legitimacy.

The Israeli goal became clear after three limited wars waged by the occupation government, excluding the Jihad movement and "neutralizing the Hamas movement". Despite its attempts to mislead the world and Israeli society itself that it is in its wars against jihad, it is seeking to liquidate "jihad terrorism" and its military capabilities, and what it calls the "Iranian threat" on the borders of its southern lines with the Gaza Strip. However, in fact, it was at the same time examining and observing the extent of Hamas's commitment to the understandings of "money and the economy in return for security and calm", which seems to be consolidated daily as a growing option on the part of Israel, and a number of opinion writers in Israel began to promote this saying, and some of them demanded "Jackie Houji - Maariv" by adopting these understandings as a strategic choice and being the preferred scenario for Israel for the post-President Abbas period, and the possibility of the disintegration or collapse of the authority accompanying it in the struggle of those aspiring to inherit the caliphate according to their follow-up to the reality of the authority and the centers of power in it.

The aspirations and ambitions of Hamas to control representation and the organization are not new, but the most important thing that has not been paid attention to until now is the absence or absence of the organization and the authority from carrying out any of their responsibilities to address the dilemmas of representation facing their eroding legitimacy, whether by reviewing, returning to the people and their constitutional right, or recognizing the impossibility of Continuing to monopolize and claim unilateral representation, while major forces outside of it are the unifying national institutions, especially in light of the rising curve of declining support for them in the Palestinian street, and most importantly in light of the disintegration of the national movement and the organization’s absence of its role in defending the supreme interests of the Palestinian people and its leadership of the national struggle in confronting the occupation projects To liquidate the cause of our people.

These facts in their entirety, and what they mean by the continuation of the division, are the main driver of the ambitions of the Israeli governments to liquidate the national project, and the accelerated pace of annexation of the West Bank at the hands of the Smotrich-Ben Juffair government headed by Netanyahu. It is also the main basis for reviving Hamas’s tendencies to control representation, and the accompanying plans. Separation in Gaza, and perhaps waiting for an opportunity to extend its authority to the cantons of the West Bank, both of which, i.e. the separation of Gaza and the consolidation of “rival cantons of the major cities”, have become the only game on the strategic table of the occupation government, as it constitutes the final blow to the national liberation project, and it holds the strings of bidding projects for those who meet the conditions obedience and wins her security auction.

In this context, it is possible to look at the Hamas dialogues and the attempts to contain the jihad in Cairo. The terms of the so-called long-term truce are discussed, which, from an Israeli point of view, culminates in a process of transforming “Hamas resistance” into a tool for striking at the entity of representative institutions, and liquidating the possibility of establishing an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Occupiers since June 5, 1967. As long as this is the case, everything that is said about the results of President Abu Mazen's visit to China about an initiative to revive the peace process through an international conference, the strategy of the PA and the organization's work will not go beyond the continuation of panting behind the mirage of a political settlement that will not come, as long as prevailing It is the division and the danger of secession and the disintegration of the elements of Palestinian power.

It is true that the Gaza Strip has been in immediate need for years for an economic recovery plan that addresses the effects of the devastating Israeli blockade on the lives of our people in the Strip. But here a number of questions arise, the first of which is that even if Israel agreed to all of Hamas's economic conditions, would that be enough to deal with the devastating effects of the blockade and wars waged by Israel on the Strip? The answer to this question is definitely in the negative, especially since the same experience says that the key to implementing these conditions will remain in the hands of Israel, and it is able to close the door at any moment, and even keep it as an open blackmail tool to achieve its entire liquidation project. As for the other question, it is: Can someone who turns his back on the Strip deal with this challenge at a time when he refrains from launching any initiative or responding to the voice of reason and the calls and initiatives that call him to restore unity, in a way that curbs Hamas' tendencies and contains its dangers? Then why do the two parties evade the possibility and what is available while putting the handling of our crises in our hands through transitional arrangements that preserve the unity of our people and their achievements, and put the economic and administrative remedies in the hands of a transitional unity government to heal people’s wounds and sufferings within a national framework that respects the citizenship, humanity and rights of people, and supports their ability to withstand In preparation for holding comprehensive general elections. Whoever wants to end the occupation, establish an independent state, and wrest the right to self-determination, his only compulsory path is to preserve the unity of the national entity, and not to slide towards separatist factional cantons and the privileges of the contenders over inheritance.

Addressing the suffering of our people in the Strip, and mobilizing their legitimate resistance against the occupation, settlement and Judaization of occupied Jerusalem goes through one way, which is restoring unity and restoring hope to our people. Unity itself is what closes the door to Israeli ambitions to monopolize our people and their cause, and opens the door to the Silk Road that China and other forces of the international system in the process of formation can play. Otherwise, just as we paid the price for the international system after World War II with the Nakba of 48, the failure of the dominant parties in the divisive scene in terms of extracting the lessons and lessons of history will be a new Nakba, so will our people allow it to pass again?