Seventy-eight years have passed since the establishment of what is known as the occupying state, decades during which the Zionist movement adopted a strategy of genocide and forced displacement to impose a replacement Judaization reality. This entity based its existence on committing systematic massacres to expel the vast majority of Palestinians from their historical homes and seize their resources.

Historical records indicate that Zionist gangs committed no less than 44 massacres in 1948 alone, with absolute support from the British Mandate authorities. This complicity led to the uprooting of about 850,000 Palestinians from their land before mid-May of that year, as part of a carefully planned ethnic cleansing scheme.

In contrast, the Zionist machine worked to attract hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers to replace the indigenous people, with the occupation controlling 78% of historical Palestine. The properties of refugees and the natural resources of the homeland have since become essential production elements to strengthen the occupation's economic structure and military power.

The war of ethnic cleansing effectively began in November 1947, following the issuance of the UN partition resolution, and continued fiercely until the end of the British Mandate. Although Jews controlled less than 6% of the land when Britain left, military and logistical support enabled them to expand rapidly.

Historical sources revealed that Zionist gangs managed to purchase massive military equipment from the withdrawing British army, including warplanes, in deals worth millions of pounds. These capabilities created a huge gap in the balance of power between the Palestinian revolutionaries, who possessed simple weapons, and the organized Zionist forces.

By early 1948, the Jewish Agency was managing the affairs of the militarily and administratively occupied areas through the 'Haganah' army and the 'Palmach' commando units. These forces numbered about 45,000 heavily armed fighters, facing a few thousand Arab volunteers and local revolutionaries who lacked modern equipment.

The policies of Judaization did not stop at geographical boundaries but extended to include the 'Judaization of time and place' by attracting Jews from around the world and changing the cultural landmarks of Palestine. Recent data for 2026 show that the number of Jewish settlers in occupied Palestine has reached 7.2 million, distributed between Western and Eastern origins.

On the other hand, the tragedy of Palestinian refuge has swelled to include today more than seven million refugees living in the diaspora and camps. These represent the descendants of the generation displaced in the first Nakba, who then constituted more than 60% of the total Palestinian population, which numbered 1.4 million at the time.

Palestinian refugees after the 1948 Nakba were primarily distributed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, while large numbers were forced to flee to neighboring countries such as Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. Difficult economic and political conditions also pushed many to migrate to Europe, the Americas, and the Arab Gulf states in search of a dignified life.

The scene of displacement was repeated again in 1967 when the occupation army expelled about 460,000 Palestinians after occupying the rest of the Palestinian land. These new 'displaced persons' joined the refugee convoys, bringing their total number currently to over two million, in addition to millions of previous refugees.

Despite nearly eight decades since the Nakba, half of the Palestinian people remain steadfast within the borders of historical Palestine, defying all policies of demographic displacement. Statistics indicate that 50% of Palestinians live internally, while the other half are distributed in nearby and distant exiles around the world.

The numbers confirm that about 80% of the total Palestinian people still reside in Palestine or in the surrounding Arab countries, which foils the occupation's bet on oblivion. This steadfastness comes despite the heavy price of sacrifices, which included the martyrdom of hundreds of thousands and the imprisonment of over one and a half million Palestinians.

Palestinian prisoners in occupation jails have suffered the most horrific forms of torture, starvation, and deliberate medical neglect, leading to the martyrdom of hundreds of them behind bars. This ongoing suffering has only increased the Palestinian people's determination to cling to their legitimate and inalienable national rights.

The eyes of Palestinians remain fixed on their only homeland, despite the long path of suffering that began in 1948 and whose chapters have not yet ended. The policies of killing and displacement pursued by the 'state of extermination' have not succeeded in breaking the will of return but have deepened the connection to the land and identity in the conscience of successive generations.

Until May 15, 1948, for every Palestinian or Arab fighter with his simple weapon, there were six Zionists equipped with all modern land and air weapons.

French football legend Eric Cantona expressed his great admiration for the stance taken by rising Spanish star Lamine Yamal, after the latter raised the Palestinian flag during Barcelona's La Liga title celebrations. Cantona confirmed, in statements made to international media during his participation in the Cannes Film Festival, that Yamal is not only distinguished by his exceptional football skills, but also by his courage in expressing his humanitarian positions, which should be emulated by rising generations.

Cantona described the current situation in the occupied Palestinian territories and the statements made by Israeli officials as 'absolute madness', stressing that Yamal's step was remarkable and impactful. The former French star also indicated his appreciation for the reaction of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, who did not hesitate to describe the young player's behavior as admirable, despite the widespread controversy that accompanied the scene in political and sports circles.

Lamine Yamal, 18 years old, made headlines after appearing on Barcelona's open-top bus waving the Palestinian flag in front of thousands of fans, in a clear message of solidarity during the peak of the local title celebrations. This step did not go unnoticed in Israeli circles, where official bodies launched a fierce attack on the player, reaching the point of direct accusations against him by War Minister Yisrael Katz of supporting what he described as terrorism.

Cantona's statements add new international weight to sports positions supporting Palestinian rights, at a time when pressure on athletes to express their opinions on global issues is increasing. This incident reflects the sharp division in international positions on the Palestinian issue, where some see it as an expression of legitimate human solidarity, while other parties try to criminalize these manifestations of solidarity in stadiums and public platforms.

I love Yamal very much as a football player, and his stance should be an example for everyone. What is happening in Palestine and what Israeli politicians are saying is absolute madness.

The journey of the 'Global Resilience Flotilla' entered its fourth day, as the new international initiative seeks to break the Israeli blockade imposed on the Gaza Strip since 2007. Field sources from aboard the 'Family' ship reported that participants are hopeful of reaching the shores of the Strip this time, despite the logistical challenges and security threats facing the journey since its inception.

Recent hours have seen intensive movements of participating ships and boats, with a group of 20 vessels setting off from off a Greek island towards the coast of Antalya, Turkey. This group is scheduled to join the main flotilla coming from Europe, bringing the total number of ships participating in this humanitarian campaign to approximately 54 diverse ships and boats.

The 'Family' ship is the cornerstone and main pillar of the flotilla, carrying a specialized medical team including surgeons, pediatricians, and other various specialties. These doctors aim to provide urgent healthcare to Gaza residents upon their arrival, compensating for the severe shortage of medical personnel and supplies suffered by the Strip due to the ongoing blockade.

Approximately 500 solidarity activists of different nationalities are participating in this humanitarian mission, representing a wide spectrum of global civil society and human rights organizations. Participants indicated that the great diversity of nationalities reflects the extent of international solidarity with the Palestinian cause and highlights the escalating humanitarian suffering in Gaza caused by Israeli policies.

As part of the field preparations, organizers hold regular meetings to educate participants and distribute roles and tasks, especially regarding maritime safety and security procedures. Ship crews are making double efforts to ensure the readiness of the boats, with a focus on providing clear instructions on how to act if the Israeli navy intercepts the flotilla at sea.

Sources from within the flotilla revealed that participants received intensive training on scenarios of Israeli interception, affirming their commitment to the peaceful nature of the mission regardless of the pressures. Organizers stressed that the ships carry only relief aid and medical supplies, and their sole goal is to deliver these trusts to their rightful recipients in the besieged Palestinian Strip.

Based on previous experiences, the flotilla management decided to change its sailing strategy and consider all international waters as 'red zones' where an Israeli attack is likely. This decision comes after the Israeli army carried out an attack in late April targeting previous flotilla ships in international waters off the island of Crete, leading to the detention of a number of boats and activists.

The journey is currently facing volatile weather conditions, with ships exposed to strong winds and powerful storms that caused some participants to feel unwell, but this did not deter their determination to continue. The flotilla moves at the speed of its slowest boat to ensure the unity of the convoy, with frequent stops for necessary maintenance and refueling to ensure continuous sailing.

The importance of this journey stands out amidst increasing Israeli restrictions on civil society organizations, with reports indicating Israel's ban on the work of 63 civil associations that served Palestinians. The Resilience Flotilla seeks to break this encirclement and draw the world's attention again to the necessity of opening crossings and ending the unjust blockade, which represents collective punishment for more than two million people.

We carry nothing but food, medical supplies, and humanitarian aid, and our mission is entirely peaceful, aiming to reach the people of the besieged Strip.

The Jerusalem Governorate considered the approval by the Israeli occupation authorities of a new colonial plan to establish an army museum, a recruitment office, and a headquarters for the "Israeli Ministry of Security" on the ruins of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) compound in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of occupied Jerusalem, a serious escalation and a flagrant violation of international law, and a blatant infringement of the immunities and privileges of United Nations organizations. The Governorate affirmed, in a statement issued on Sunday, that this aggression constitutes a grave violation of all rules of international law and customs, and a clear violation of Israel's obligations, as the occupying power, under the Fourth Geneva Convention, particularly concerning the protection of public property and ensuring the unhindered work of international humanitarian bodies, in addition to the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations. The Governorate explained that the new colonial project comes after the occupation authorities, last January, demolished the UNRWA compound in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, under the direct supervision of the Minister of National Security in the occupation government, Itamar Ben-Gvir, before suspending a seizure order in favor of the so-called "Israel Land Authority," despite the compound being affiliated with the United Nations and enjoying legal immunity that prevents it from being subjected to any executive, administrative, judicial, or legislative procedures. The Governorate clarified that the plan drafted by Israeli Security Minister Yisrael Katz stipulates the allocation of a plot of land measuring approximately (36) dunams to the Israeli Ministry of Security without a tender, claiming that the current recruitment office building in Jerusalem "does not meet the needs of the Israeli army," in a move that reflects a growing Israeli trend to impose more colonial realities and Judaize the public space in occupied Jerusalem. The Governorate added that the establishment of a museum for the so-called "Israeli Army Heritage" near the "Ammunition Hill" site represents a systematic attempt to reinforce the occupation narrative and link Palestinian historical sites to the Israeli military narrative. The Jerusalem Governorate stressed that any legislation or decisions issued by the occupation authorities have no legal effect on the legal status of UNRWA or on its presence and activities in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem, which is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory according to international law and relevant United Nations resolutions. The Jerusalem Governorate called on United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to take urgent steps to refer Israel to the International Court of Justice if it does not revoke the laws and procedures targeting UNRWA and return the assets and properties it has seized, emphasizing that the continued international silence regarding these violations encourages the occupation authorities to continue their aggressions against international institutions and the Palestinian people in occupied Jerusalem.

UNRWA compound in Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, occupied Jerusalem: Photography by Ahmed Jalajel

US President Donald Trump sparked a wave of speculation about the nature of upcoming American moves, after posting a picture on his private platform 'Truth Social' accompanied by a brief comment describing the current phase as 'the calm before the storm.' This cryptic hint comes at a time when the intensity of American rhetoric towards pending international issues is escalating, especially Iran's nuclear ambitions.

In a related context, Trump revealed his vision for dealing with Tehran, indicating his desire to impose a comprehensive suspension of the Iranian nuclear program for twenty years. The US President clarified, in statements made to journalists who accompanied him on Air Force One during his return from the Chinese capital Beijing, that the major powers, represented by Washington and Beijing, are the only ones capable of controlling what he described as 'nuclear dust' within Iranian territory.

Trump stressed that recovering enriched uranium from Iran represents a strategic priority for his administration, despite his hint that he is not convinced of the necessity of this stockpile in the first place. These statements reflect an American insistence on extracting substantial concessions from Tehran, amidst questions about whether the 'storm' Trump alluded to refers to unprecedented economic pressures or another type of action.

The calm before the storm.

A recent opinion poll, published by international media reports, revealed signs of a growing and unprecedented division within the American Republican Party concerning the continued absolute support given to the Israeli occupation state. This shift reflects a fundamental change in the positions of the party's base towards Middle East issues, indicating that the debate is no longer confined to the corridors of the Democratic Party alone.

The data extracted from the poll clarified that cracks have begun to appear clearly within the Republican camp, especially with increasing concerns about being drawn into broad regional conflicts. The report indicated that the 'blank check' policy granted to the occupation is now subject to critical reviews by wings that were historically classified as solid strategic allies.

Regarding the Democratic camp, the results showed that the US administration's policy towards the war in Gaza was a major reason for the White House's loss in the 2024 elections. A wide segment of voters held the current administration responsible for failing to curb military operations that crossed all red lines.

The numbers showed that 35% of those who voted for Kamala Harris believe that the occupation government had justifications at the beginning of the war, but it quickly exceeded what was humanly and legally acceptable. Meanwhile, 27% of respondents affirmed that the military campaign was not justified from its very first moment, reflecting a deep moral gap towards the crisis.

The results did not stop there; they revealed that only 10% of Democratic voters still consider the continuation of the war justified at present. This significant decline in support places immense pressure on political leaders who are trying to balance their positions between international pressures and internal popular demands.

On the Republican side, sharp differences emerged between the 'MAGA' current loyal to former President Donald Trump and young conservatives not affiliated with this current. The 'Public First' institution showed that Republicans independent of the Trump movement are more inclined to believe that Israel has excessive influence over American foreign policy.

These differences were openly manifested through statements by prominent media and political figures who were always considered part of the hard right. Media personality Tucker Carlson and Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene criticized the nature of the close relationship between Washington and Tel Aviv, warning of the repercussions of expanding the conflict with Iran on supreme American interests.

Academics and political analysts link this shift to the growing influence of the 'America First' slogan adopted by the right wing, which explicitly calls for reducing involvement in foreign wars. This approach believes that focusing on internal and economic issues is more important than draining resources in conflicts that do not directly serve the American citizen.

The poll showed that about 29% of Trump voters believe that his focus on international affairs was exaggerated at the expense of domestic issues. This percentage rose sharply to 40% among Republicans who do not classify themselves within the 'MAGA' movement, indicating a structural division within the electoral base.

The age gap was one of the most prominent features of the poll, with 32% of Trump voters under the age of 35 believing that the United States has become too close to the occupation government. This percentage drops sharply to only 11% among age groups over 55, portending a radical change in the future of foreign policy.

When young participants were asked about the future of the relationship, about half of Republicans in the 18-34 age group called for the adoption of a more moderate and independent approach. In contrast, older members of the party still adhere to the traditional view that sees Israel as an ally whose status cannot be touched or policies criticized.

Observers believe that the Republican Party may be heading for a 'major review' of its historical positions, which may cast a shadow over the upcoming primaries. This shift may extend to become rich material in the 2028 presidential race, where candidates will have to address a new generation that does not see support for the occupation as an absolute priority.

The role of lobbying groups, especially AIPAC, has also become a fundamental point of contention within both parties, as the organization faces criticism for its direct interference in elections. The results showed that 'MAGA' supporters endorse this interference, while traditional Republicans who reject the influence of foreign political money on national decision-making oppose it.

In conclusion, these data confirm that the issue of supporting the Israeli occupation no longer represents a point of consensus within the American political arena as it did in past decades. The increasing divisions within the two main parties indicate that the future may witness more balanced American policies or at least more responsive to shifts in domestic public opinion.

The issue of the Israeli occupation state no longer represents a factor of party unity within the United States as it did for decades, but has become a growing axis of division within the two main parties.

The results of the elections for the Fatah Central Committee, the highest leadership authority in the movement, announced the victory of Yasser Abbas, the eldest son of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, securing a seat on the committee for the first time. This victory came during the Eighth General Conference, which concluded its work in Ramallah, Gaza, and a number of Arab capitals, with wide participation from movement cadres.

Yasser Abbas, 64, is considered one of the figures who have emerged politically in the last five years after being appointed as a special representative for his father, despite being a businessman who manages multiple investments and resides in Canada. His entry into the Central Committee represents a significant shift in the structure of the movement's top leadership, which leads the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation Organization.

In the context of the results, the imprisoned leader Marwan Barghouti maintained his prominent position within the movement by receiving the highest number of votes in the Central Committee elections. Barghouti has been in Israeli prisons since 2002, yet his popular and organizational presence has remained overwhelming, reflecting the Fatah base's adherence to resistance symbols.

The new formation of the Central Committee saw the entry of prominent security and field figures, led by Major General Majed Faraj, director of the Palestinian General Intelligence Service. Zakaria Zubeidi, the former commander of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades in Jenin refugee camp, who was released last year as part of a prisoner exchange deal between Israel and resistance factions, also won membership in the committee.

Regarding the old guard, pivotal figures retained their leadership positions, as the conference renewed confidence in Hussein al-Sheikh, Secretary-General of the PLO Executive Committee, and Mahmoud al-Aloul, Deputy Head of the Movement. Jibril Rajoub and Tawfiq Tirawi also remained within the top leadership structure, indicating a balance between renewal and the preservation of traditional power centers.

Sources from the conference administration reported that the electoral process witnessed a large turnout, with participation reaching approximately 94.64%. 2507 members cast their votes to elect 18 members for the Central Committee from among 59 candidates, in addition to electing 80 members for the Revolutionary Council from among 450 competitors.

The conference had commenced its work last Thursday by re-electing Mahmoud Abbas as chairman of the Fatah movement by consensus, a position he has held for more than two decades. This step comes amid previous pledges by the president to inject new blood into state institutions and the organization in response to internal and international reform demands.

This conference is being held at a critical political juncture, as the Palestinian cause faces major security and political challenges in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The Secretary-General of the Central Committee, Jibril Rajoub, described this meeting as the most important in the history of the national movement, given the exceptional circumstances facing the Palestinian struggle.

Through this conference, the Fatah movement seeks to put its internal house in order and strengthen its political legitimacy amidst criticisms related to the stagnation of democratic life. The Palestinian leadership hopes that these changes will enable the Authority to face the challenges of the next phase, including the issue of managing the Gaza Strip and reconstruction.

The conference is the most important in the history of the Palestinian national movement and is being held amidst the most dangerous challenges facing the struggle.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights strongly condemned the inhumane Israeli practices committed against Palestinian prisoners in detention centers under occupation. The Commission called for independent, transparent, and impartial investigations into the circumstances of deaths, torture, and ill-treatment, emphasizing the importance of bringing those responsible for these crimes to international justice.

The spokesperson for the Commission, Thameen Al-Khaitan, explained that available data indicates that prisoners have been subjected to systematic torture and severe sexual assaults, including documented cases of rape targeting even children. Al-Khaitan pointed out that these practices occur within the context of a structurally flawed Israeli detention system, which imposes arbitrary procedures and unfair trials that disregard all international laws and conventions.

In a shocking statistic, the UN Commission confirmed that at least 90 Palestinian detainees have died in Israeli prisons since October 7, 2023. Among the victims was a boy not older than seventeen, who passed away suffering from severe starvation, reflecting the deliberate starvation policy practiced by the prison service against detainees.

These UN statements come in response to an investigative report published by The New York Times, in which journalist Nicholas Kristof revealed atrocities committed by occupation soldiers, prison guards, and settlers against prisoners. The report included live testimonies from 14 former detainees, who recounted horrific details of systematic sexual and physical assaults aimed at humiliating prisoners and breaking their human dignity.

For its part, Hebrew press reports revealed the Israeli government's intransigence and its categorical refusal to allow representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross to visit thousands of Palestinian prisoners. This ban is a blatant violation of the Third and Fourth Geneva Conventions, which Israel signed, and which guarantee the rights of prisoners to communicate with international organizations and receive necessary care.

Media sources indicated that the policies adopted by the Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, are primarily responsible for the severe deterioration in detention conditions. These retaliatory policies have transformed prisons into centers of slow death, due to the spread of diseases, the absence of medical care, and the use of starvation as a tool for collective punishment against Palestinians.

Observers described the released detainees as having turned into 'ghosts and skeletons' as a result of severe malnutrition and continuous physical torture. These field testimonies confirm the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe experienced by thousands of Palestinians inside secret and public detention centers, amidst tight Israeli secrecy to try to hide the features of the crime from the international community.

The UN Commission concluded by emphasizing the necessity of immediately ending the arbitrary Israeli detention system and demanding that Israel, as an occupying power, fulfill its obligations under international human rights law. It stressed that continued impunity encourages the commission of further violations that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Prisoners in Israeli prisons systematically face torture and ill-treatment, including sexual violence and rape that has affected children.

Abdullah Al-Zaghari: The establishment of a special court for prisoners from Gaza reflects an Israeli tendency to employ legal and judicial tools to deepen the policy of revenge against Palestinians. Hilmi Al-Araj: There is a realistic possibility of overturning these laws, but the absence of effective action may open the door to the execution of death sentences against prisoners. Nizar Nazzal: Israel has rarely used the death penalty, making the current path an attempt to establish a special legal framework related to what is called "terrorism" and wars. Yasser Manna: The establishment of these courts reflects an Israeli tendency seeking to reframe the prisoner issue to become a central part of the deterrence equation after October 7th. Talal Awkal: Israel will move towards implementing the law on the execution of prisoners and will work to use it as a political and security pressure card against the "Hamas" movement. Sari Sammour: The chances of retreating from the path of executing prisoners seem slim given the prevailing Palestinian frustration, Arab preoccupation, and the absence of effective international pressure. Ramallah - Exclusive to "Al-Quds" - The prisoner file is approaching a new turning point with Israel proceeding with legislative and judicial steps targeting prisoners from the Gaza Strip, through the establishment of special courts for elite prisoners from the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of the Hamas movement, and the re-activation of the prisoner execution law, in a trend that reflects a clear escalation in Israeli policies towards Palestinian detainees, and raises fears of an expansion of execution steps against prisoners, and even within an endeavor to legalize revenge against Palestinians. Officials, human rights activists, specialists, writers, and political analysts, in interviews with "Al-Quds", believe that these moves should be read in the context of the political transformations witnessed by Israel after the war on Gaza, where issues of deterrence and revenge have topped the political and security discourse among right-wing parties pushing for stricter legislation. They believe that the new trend is not limited to the judicial dimension, but also carries internal political dimensions related to electoral bidding and attempts to restore an image of strength before Israeli society. They point out that these laws could be a political and security pressure tool, or a step that could turn into actual implementation if the current Israeli political environment continues without external pressures capable of stopping this path. Extension of the Genocide War The head of the Prisoner's Club, Abdullah Al-Zaghari, warns of the serious repercussions of the new Israeli legislation related to prisoners from the Gaza Strip, considering that the occupation system's tendency to establish specialized courts to try detainees from the Strip and issue sentences that may reach execution or long prison terms without the possibility of release, comes within a broader policy as an extension of the ongoing genocide war against Palestinians, especially in the Gaza Strip. Al-Zaghari confirms that the approval of this type of laws and courts cannot be separated from the path Israel has followed since the beginning of the war, explaining that the occupation system has continued to issue military orders and legislation targeting Palestinians, in parallel with the widespread military operations witnessed in the Gaza Strip, which resulted in the death of thousands of Palestinian victims, in addition to the "genocide" that affected prisoners inside Israeli prisons, pointing to the martyrdom of more than 100 Palestinian detainees inside Israeli detention centers. Al-Zaghari explains that the new legislation to establish a special court for prisoners from the Gaza Strip came less than two months after the approval of a law related to the execution of prisoners, considering that these steps reflect a tendency by the extremist Israeli right-wing government to employ legal and judicial tools to deepen the policy of revenge against Palestinians, and especially against prisoners, by enshrining exceptional laws that directly target them. Al-Zaghari believes that what allowed these legislations to pass, whether related to the law on the execution of prisoners or the special courts for prisoners from the Gaza Strip, is the Israeli denial of humanitarian and moral values, in addition to challenging the international system and disregarding international law, in light of the retreat and failure of international human rights and humanitarian institutions to provide protection for male and female prisoners inside prisons, as well as for the Palestinian people in general since the beginning of the war on Gaza. Targeting on the Basis of "Ethnic Cleansing" Al-Zaghari confirms that current Israeli policies fall within a broader project targeting Palestinians on the basis of "ethnic cleansing" and erasing Palestine from the global political map, which puts the international community, especially UN institutions, to a test regarding their ability to protect the humanitarian principles upon which they were founded. Within the Implementation Path Regarding the possibility of implementing the prisoner execution law, Al-Zaghari suggests that the new legislations will turn into actual measures on the ground, pointing out that the prisoner execution law, which was approved about two months ago, is now within the implementation path within military courts, so that it can be applied to any Palestinian prisoner accused of carrying out operations that resulted in the killing of Israelis. Al-Zaghari expects that the law for prisoners from the Gaza Strip will be applied in the coming period, given the consensus within Israeli right-wing circles to support it, considering that prisoners thus face a new stage of escalation and revenge inside Israeli detention centers. Direct Extension of the Prisoner Execution Law The Director-General of the "Hurriyat" Center for the Defense of Freedoms and Civil Rights, Hilmi Al-Araj, explains that the Israeli Knesset's approval of a law to establish special courts to try elite prisoners from the Hamas movement represents a direct extension of the prisoner execution law approved by the Knesset on March 30th, confirming that these laws aim to pave the way for trying prisoners and sentencing them to death, including retroactively, in a step that carries a clear racist and discriminatory character. Al-Araj points out that these laws enshrine the targeting of Palestinians without Israelis, in the absence of fair trial standards, and the existence of ready-made charges used as a tool for revenge against the Palestinian people and prisoners from the Gaza Strip, under various pretexts. Al-Araj notes that this legislative system is not separate from a broader context of the continuation of the crime of genocide, the violation of the right to life, and the violation of the Geneva Conventions, especially the Fourth Convention which stipulates the protection of populations under occupation, and this confirms the need to protect the Palestinian people, including prisoners. Al-Araj confirms that these measures also contradict the United Nations Charter, which recognizes the right of peoples under occupation to resist the occupier for self-determination, in addition to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which guarantees the right to life. Transformation of Laws into Tools of Revenge Al-Araj believes that what is happening reflects both political and judicial employment, where laws are transformed into tools of revenge instead of being tools of justice. Al-Araj explains that the passage of these laws is directly linked to the electoral competition within right-wing and racist parties in Israel, where Palestinian blood and the suffering of prisoners are invested in the internal political conflict, in light of the growing racist tendency within Israeli society. Necessary Confrontation Al-Araj confirms that Israel may proceed with the execution of prisoners unless it faces real accountability and scrutiny, which also includes economic measures and political pressures. Al-Araj stresses that the prisoner execution law amounts to a "war crime", and that its application depends on the political and legal cost paid by the occupation. Nevertheless, Al-Araj believes that there is a realistic possibility of overturning the elite prisoner and prisoner execution laws, or at least freezing their implementation, as they are racist laws that explicitly violate the right to life, but the absence of effective national, regional, international, legal, political, and diplomatic action may open the door to the execution of death sentences against prisoners. Al-Araj confirms that the success of any path to confront them requires broad popular, political, diplomatic, and legal action, with Palestine and its people, along with the free people of the world, at its heart as a fundamental lever to stop these policies and hold their perpetrators accountable. Multiple Political, Security, and Legal Messages The researcher specializing in Israeli affairs and conflict issues, Nizar Nazzal, believes that the Israeli Knesset's approval of establishing a judicial framework and a special court for "elite" elements of the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of the Hamas movement, which may include the death penalty, transcends its purely judicial dimensions, and carries multiple political, security, and legal messages, reflecting shifts in Israel's approach to dealing with prisoner files and the conflict. Nazzal explains that the step reflects a transition from the "containment logic" that Israel followed in previous stages to the "revenge and deterrence logic", in an attempt to show a higher level of firmness towards perpetrators of operations, especially in light of the repercussions of the current war. Electoral Bidding Nazzal points out that these trends are also linked to internal and electoral considerations, as the Israeli government, especially the extremist right-wing parties, seeks to address the angry Israeli public by showing more stringent and harsh positions, noting that such laws receive wide support within right-wing bases and are used to enhance the government's image as "not compromising with Palestinians." Attempt to Create an Exceptional Precedent Nazzal points out that the trend also carries a legal dimension, which is an attempt to create a new exceptional precedent, as Israel has historically rarely used the death penalty, with the exception of the Nazi Adolf Eichmann, which makes the current path an attempt to establish a special legal framework related to what Israel describes as "terrorism" and war files. Nazzal clarifies that the messages are not limited to the Hamas movement only, but extend to the axis of resistance, in the context of sending a broader regional deterrence message. Nazzal warns of potential repercussions of this step, including the escalation of the prisoner file, the possibility of resistance factions resorting to threatening retaliatory responses or carrying out future operations for the purpose of exchange, as well as opening the door to increasing legal pressures and human rights and international criticism against Israel. Nazzal points out that there is an Israeli fear that the trials will turn into a media and political platform that gives an opposing narrative momentum before the world. Still a Confused Step Nazzal believes that the step is still confused and may be implemented, but Israel may use the law as a deterrence and negotiating pressure card and for internal consumption more than it is a step capable of immediate application, given the high security and political cost that may include international pressures, retaliatory possibilities, and the complication of exchange deals, in addition to fears of creating new Palestinian symbols and igniting multiple confrontation arenas. Nazzal believes that approving the law seems politically easier, but actually carrying out executions remains uncertain due to its cost, which may exceed its gains for Israel. Legalizing Revenge The writer and researcher specializing in Israeli affairs, Yasser Manna, explains that the Israeli trend towards establishing special courts to try Palestinian prisoners from the Gaza Strip, comes within the push for the prisoner execution law, reflecting a harmony between legislative and judicial paths aimed at transforming "revenge" for the events of October 7th into an organized and legalized legal system. Manna points out that these steps are not limited to their judicial dimension, but come within a broader shift in Israeli policy towards Palestinians, represented by the transition from managing the conflict to attempting to resolve it and impose its ends through tools of force and deterrence. Manna confirms that the establishment of these special courts reflects an Israeli political trend seeking to reframe the prisoner file to become a central part of the deterrence equation after October 7th, by linking justice with concepts of deterrence and revenge. Manna notes that this path carries implications that go beyond the court itself, as it reflects Israel's redefinition of the concept of justice in the context of the conflict, making it a political and security tool at the same time. Actual Execution Not Ruled Out Regarding the possibility of carrying out death sentences against prisoners, Manna believes that this possibility remains plausible and not ruled out in the current Israeli political climate, especially in cases classified within Israeli discourse as "symbolic" and directly linked to the October 7th attack and its profound impact on Israeli consciousness. Manna points out that dealing with the execution file should not be viewed as merely a media threat or a pressure card, but as a political and legal option that can turn into actual implementation at any moment, depending on political and security developments within Israel. Clear Violation of International Law The writer and political analyst Talal Awkal believes that the Israeli Knesset's return to completing the procedures for approving a draft law related to the execution of Palestinian prisoners from Hamas fighters, by pushing it towards the second and third readings, and the talk about a decision to establish a special court to try Hamas fighters, reflects an Israeli insistence on proceeding on a path that ignores escalating international warnings and condemnations, despite the accusations raised by the law regarding its discriminatory nature and its violation of international law. Awkal explains that the law has a "blatantly racist" character as it targets Palestinian prisoners in particular, and focuses on Hamas fighters, considering that it constitutes a clear and gross violation of international law and international humanitarian law, especially in light of the rules governing the treatment of prisoners during conflicts. A State of "Israeli Callousness" Towards the International System Awkal believes that proceeding with the approval of this legislation reflects a state of "Israeli callousness" towards the international legal and humanitarian system, after the war on the Gaza Strip and the accompanying massacres, starvation policies, and siege, which are accusations made by international human rights institutions and experts. Awkal points out that Israel, despite the acknowledgment by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and security and civilian officials, writers, and journalists of increasing international isolation, seems to have entered a dark tunnel from which it is difficult to exit politically and morally. Awkal believes that Israel will eventually move towards implementing the prisoner execution law, but he adds that this may not be immediate, as it is likely to first work to use it as a political and security pressure card against the Hamas movement, with the aim of imposing conditions related to surrender or handing over weapons, before moving to actual implementation. Deep Transformations in the Structure of Israeli Governance and Society The writer and political analyst Sari Sammour explains that the Israeli trend towards seeking to approve and implement death sentences against Palestinian prisoners cannot be separated from the deep transformations that have occurred in the structure of Israeli governance and society, considering that the matter reflects a change in Israeli perceptions towards Palestinians and the world, in light of the rise of extremist right-wing currents that are no longer concerned with preserving the traditional image that Israel sought to present of itself for decades as a democratic state. Sammour points out that Israel historically avoided carrying out death sentences against Palestinians for fear of solidifying national symbols that remain present in the collective Palestinian memory, recalling the experience of the execution of the martyrs of the Buraq Revolution during the British occupation; Muhammad Jamjoum, Fouad Hijazi, and Atta Al-Zir, as well as Sheikh Farhan Al-Saadi, whose memory is still present in Palestinian consciousness. Sammour confirms that Israel, despite its responsibility for the killing of large numbers of Palestinians during the past decades, was keen not to carry out executions in their direct legal form, to avoid their political and symbolic repercussions. Sammour notes that Israel has long sought to present itself to the world as "not a state of gallows", citing the position of former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who opposed the execution of a death sentence issued against prisoner Said Badarneh from the town of Ya'bad, southwest of Jenin, where the sentence was reconsidered and replaced with life imprisonment before he was later released as part of the prisoner exchange deal known as the Shalit deal. First Test Sammour believes that the current Israeli scene is radically different, as the prevailing political current is no longer keen to show Israel's "liberal face", expecting that the Israeli government, if it decides to carry out executions, will resort to something similar to a "first test" by carrying out sentences against a limited number of prisoners, and perhaps from the Gaza Strip in the first stage, to measure Palestinian, Arab, and international reactions, before moving to broader steps. Chances of Retreating from Prisoner Execution Seem Slim Sammour points out that the chances of retreating from the path of executing prisoners seem slim given the prevailing Palestinian frustration and Arab preoccupation, in addition to the absence of effective international pressure, considering that what is happening comes in the context of an Israeli political environment based on electoral bidding between right-wing forces "competing over who harms Palestinians more and seizes more land." Attempt to Restore Deterrence Power Sammour confirms that the formation of a special court for Palestinian fighters from the Gaza Strip, who are elite elements of the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of the Hamas movement, carries multiple messages, most notably an attempt to restore Israeli deterrence power and spread frustration in the Palestinian street, in addition to sending a message that those who went out with the aim of capturing Israelis to free Palestinian prisoners may themselves face imprisonment and execution. Sammour stresses that Palestinian fighters should be treated as prisoners of war according to international norms, which makes the idea of executing them a departure from humanitarian and legal rules, while at the same time suggesting that the implementation of death sentences has become a highly probable possibility in light of political and social transformations within Israel, although he does not rule out that strong international or internal reactions could lead to stopping this path.

Two Palestinians were martyred and a number of citizens were injured with varying degrees of severity this Sunday morning, as a result of a series of airstrikes launched by the occupation's drones on various areas in the Gaza Strip. This shelling coincided with a remarkable field escalation, represented by intense gunfire from military vehicles stationed south of Khan Yunis city and in the eastern areas of the Al-Tuffah neighborhood, which led to a state of panic among the residents.

Regarding the details of the attacks, Nasser Medical Complex announced the arrival of the body of a martyr and a number of wounded after an Israeli reconnaissance plane targeted a group of citizens in the center of Khan Yunis city, south of the Strip. Ambulance and emergency sources also confirmed the martyrdom of another citizen and the injury of several people in a similar raid that targeted Jabalia camp north of the Strip at dawn today, where the victims were transferred to nearby hospitals under difficult field conditions.

In a related context, medical sources in Gaza hospitals revealed a bloody toll of the continuous raids on Gaza City and the northern governorate since Saturday evening, with the number of martyrs reaching 11 citizens, while the number of injured exceeded 60 people. The sources explained that the injuries range from moderate to serious, which places additional pressure on the already dilapidated health system due to the siege and continuous targeting.

On the ground, the southern areas of Khan Yunis city witnessed intense artillery shelling since the early morning hours, where occupation shells directly targeted residential buildings. The shelling was accompanied by extensive sweeping operations and gunfire from drones that roamed the skies of the Al-Tuffah neighborhood, targeting citizens' homes and properties in an attempt to terrorize civilians and prevent them from moving in those areas.

The late evening hours of yesterday witnessed another crime, as an occupation drone targeted a civilian vehicle that was moving near 'Al-Wahda Tower' on Al-Shifa Street west of Gaza City. This direct targeting resulted in the martyrdom of two Palestinians and the serious injury of three others, according to civil defense crews who rushed to the scene to retrieve the victims and extinguish the burning vehicle.

Nasser Medical Complex confirmed the martyrdom of one and the injury of others as a result of a raid carried out by an Israeli drone in the center of Khan Yunis city, south of the Strip.

Israeli occupation forces continued their intensive military operations today, Sunday, in various areas of the Gaza Strip, with artillery shelling and heavy gunfire concentrated on the eastern and southern axes. Medical sources confirmed the martyrdom of one person due to a direct targeting of the Rafah garage area in the center of Khan Yunis city, coinciding with intense artillery shelling targeting residential neighborhoods in the city.

In the central part of the Strip, field sources reported that the occupation artillery launched intensive shelling on the eastern areas of Al-Bureij camp, causing panic among residents and displaced people. This shelling coincided with continuous explosions resulting from military operations launched from occupation sites behind the security fence towards the depth of populated areas.

Gaza City witnessed the funeral of three martyrs, two of whom fell in a raid targeting a vehicle in Al-Nasr neighborhood, while the third martyr fell near Abu Hussein Gate School in Jabalia camp, north of the Strip. These developments come amidst escalating field tension following assassination operations targeting field leaders, most notably the assassination of Izz al-Din al-Haddad.

At sea, Israeli warships opened fire with their machine guns towards the coast of Gaza City, hindering the movement of fishermen and increasing the field tension. The aggressions were not limited to direct shelling but also included extensive sweeping operations with heavy weapons in border areas, causing severe material damage to infrastructure.

In Al-Tuffah neighborhood, east of Gaza City, drones targeted citizens' homes with heavy fire, trapping a number of families inside their homes. Local sources indicated that occupation vehicles stationed south of Khan Yunis opened fire on residential buildings, leading to partial destruction of a number of vital facilities in the area.

Medical teams and civil defense crews face extreme difficulties in reaching targeted areas due to continuous aerial and ground shelling and ongoing sweeping operations. Relief agencies warned that the continued closure of crossings and restrictions on aid movement threaten to halt remaining medical services amidst the increasing number of injuries and martyrs.

Humanitarianly, more than a million displaced Palestinians live in catastrophic conditions inside tents that lack the most basic necessities for a dignified life, especially with the sharp rise in temperatures. The suffering of the residents is compounded by a severe shortage of drinking water and the spread of diseases, in the absence of any prospect for a quick calm that would end the ongoing military operations.

International demands continue for the necessity of opening safe corridors to ensure urgent delivery of humanitarian and medical aid to all areas of the Strip. However, the occupation forces continue to impose a strict blockade that prevents the wounded from leaving to receive treatment abroad, threatening a health and environmental catastrophe that worsens with every hour that passes under the weight of the shelling.

Field escalation and the assassination of cadres directly reflect on the field scene amidst fears of the situation sliding towards a wider confrontation.

Hebrew media reports have acknowledged the escalating phenomenon of Israeli occupation army soldiers participating in systematic attacks against Palestinian citizens in the occupied West Bank. Press sources reported that the military establishment has begun to lose control over its personnel, as regular soldiers are participating in their official uniforms and military vehicles in carrying out what has been described as 'Jewish terrorism' alongside extremist settler groups.

In details of one of the recent incidents, six right-wing extremists, including a soldier serving in the 'Binyamin Brigade', stormed the Palestinian village of Al-Shahba last Friday evening. The attackers set fire to a number of Palestinian citizens' vehicles, causing extensive material damage, before the occupation authorities announced the arrest of a number of suspects, including the implicated soldier, and their transfer for investigation by the West Bank police.

The sources indicated that the involvement of elements from the West Bank division in crimes of a nationalistic nature is not an isolated or new event, but rather a behavior that has been conspicuously repeated over the past year and a half. Reports confirm that many of these soldiers have been seen engaging in excessive violence against Palestinian civilians, exploiting the immunity provided to them by military uniform and army vehicles in their aggressive movements.

The roots of this crisis go back to political pressures exerted on the leadership of the occupation army to integrate elements of the extreme right into the General Staff units, under the pretext of protecting settlements in the West Bank. It appears that these groups have exploited their military positions to implement extremist ideological agendas, making it difficult for field commanders to curb their actions, which go beyond official military orders and turn into direct attacks.

These confessions reflect a state of security chaos within the ranks of the occupation forces operating in the occupied territories, where the lines between the role of the regular soldier and the activity of the extremist settler are blurred. Observers warn that the continuation of this approach and the provision of political cover for these soldiers will lead to an escalation in the pace of attacks against Palestinian villages and towns, in the absence of real accountability and the spread of extremist ideology within combat units.

Soldiers in military uniform, entering army vehicles and participating in Jewish terrorism against Palestinians.

Washington – Said Arikat – 5/17/2026

Press reports and testimonies from Iraqi and regional officials have revealed the existence of two secret military bases established by Israel deep in the Iraqi western desert, a development that highlights the fragility of Iraqi sovereignty and raises serious questions about the American role, the limits of Iranian influence, and the nature of the escalating regional conflict between Israel and Tehran.

According to information published by the "New York Times" on Sunday, one of the bases was discovered after the killing of Iraqi shepherd Awad Al-Shammari, 29, last March, after he encountered the presence of forces, helicopters, and military installations near the desert area of Al-Nukhaib, located in western Iraq.

The newspaper stated that Al-Shammari reported what he saw to the Iraqi military command before contact with him was later lost. Two days later, his relatives found his burned body near his destroyed vehicle in the desert, while eyewitnesses reported that a helicopter pursued his car and repeatedly fired at it until it stopped.

Although Israel refused to comment on the incident or on the existence of its bases inside Iraq, Iraqi officials confirmed to the newspaper the existence of a second base also in the western desert region, which was used to support Israeli military operations against Iran during the June 2025 war.

According to regional security officials, Israel began preparing these bases since late 2024, by selecting remote locations suitable as logistical and air support points in any future confrontation with Iran, especially to reduce the distances Israeli aircraft travel during their operations.

Officials said the base discovered by Al-Shammari was used to provide air support, refueling, and medical evacuation during the short 12-day Israeli-Iranian war last year.

Shock within Iraq

This information sparked a wide wave of anger within Iraq, where politicians and parliamentarians considered the presence of Israeli bases on Iraqi territory a blatant violation of national sovereignty and revealed a serious weakness in the security system.

Iraqi MP Waad Al-Qaddo, who attended a secret parliamentary briefing on the issue, said that what happened "reflects a clear disregard for Iraq's sovereignty and the dignity of its people."

In contrast, Major General Ali Al-Hamdani, commander of the Iraqi Middle Euphrates Forces, admitted that Iraqi forces had suspected for weeks the existence of "unusual" military activity in the western desert, but they confined themselves to remote monitoring without approaching the site.

Al-Hamdani added that the Iraqi army requested clarifications from the American side about the mysterious military activity, but received no response.

One day after Al-Shammari's disappearance, Baghdad sent a reconnaissance force to the area, but it came under fire and shelling, which led to the killing of an Iraqi soldier and the injury of others, forcing the force to withdraw.

Following the incident, the Iraqi Joint Operations Command announced that a "foreign force" attacked Iraqi forces, while subsequent communications between Baghdad and the US military command indicated that the attacking forces were "not American," which reinforced the belief that they were Israeli.

The American role under scrutiny

These developments place the United States under accusation, especially with former American military and diplomatic officials confirming that the US Central Command could not be unaware of the existence of Israeli military activity inside Iraq, given the close coordination between the American and Israeli armies.

Iraqi officials also indicated that Washington requested Baghdad during the recent war to shut down Iraqi radar systems to protect American aircraft, which made Iraq more dependent on American information to monitor any hostile military movements.

Observers believe that this reinforces the impression that Washington either concealed information from the Iraqi government, or that it informed some Iraqi leaders who preferred to keep the matter secret to avoid an internal political crisis.

This issue reveals the extent of erosion that has affected the concept of Iraqi sovereignty since the American invasion in 2003, as Iraq has become an open arena for regional and international competition, without an actual ability to control its borders or security decisions. The presence of secret Israeli bases inside Iraqi territory, whether with or without Baghdad's knowledge, reflects a deep imbalance in the structure of the Iraqi state. Moreover, the inability of Iraqi forces to deal directly with these sites, or even to detect them early, highlights the complexity of the security scene, where American, Iranian, and Israeli interests overlap at the expense of independent Iraqi national decision-making.

These developments put the Trump administration under increasing criticism within Iraq and the region, especially if it is proven that Washington was aware of the Israeli presence and did not officially inform Baghdad. The American administration has always presented itself as an ally that respects Iraq's sovereignty, but allowing Israel to use Iraqi territory in operations against Iran could completely undermine this discourse. The matter also gives pro-Tehran armed factions an additional pretext to attack the American presence and reject any calls for their disarmament, on the grounds that the United States has become a direct partner in transforming Iraq into a platform for regional conflict.

From the Israeli perspective, these bases reveal a remarkable development in Israeli military doctrine, based on expanding the scope of operations far from traditional borders. Israel now believes that confronting Iran cannot be limited to Syrian or Gulf airspace, but requires a broader intelligence and logistical deployment within the region. The use of the Iraqi desert also indicates an increasing reliance on insecure areas to establish temporary military structures that are difficult to detect. This reflects Israel's transition from a strategy of "limited strikes" to building more complex and sustainable regional operational networks.

As for the Iraqi popular level, the issue is likely to leave a deep psychological and political impact, especially with the killing of the shepherd Awad Al-Shammari, who has become a symbol of what many describe as "official neglect." The issue is no longer just a security file, but has become linked to feelings of national humiliation and the feeling that Iraq's lands are being used by external powers without the knowledge of citizens or even state institutions. The escalation of popular anger may lead to increased pressure on the Iraqi government to take a tougher stance towards the foreign military presence, whether American or otherwise.

The book 'The Palestinian Communist Party from Foundation to Change' by researcher Muhammad Mansour Abu Rukba opens a thorny file in contemporary Palestinian political history. The study, published by Dar Al-Sawma'a in 2026, reviews the path of one of the oldest political movements in the region, which witnessed complex overlaps between international ideology and the national liberation question.

The historical reading confirms that communism in Palestine was at the forefront of those who confronted settler colonialism from its very beginnings under the British Mandate. The party directed its struggles against systematic Jewish immigration, warning of its danger in changing the national demography and forming a foreign majority in the country.

The early communists defined their main goal as liquidating the occupation and ensuring the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination through an independent democratic government. Despite their initial rejection of partition plans, the international balance of power at the time pushed them to approve UN Resolution 181 of 1947.

The issue of national unity formed a fundamental pillar in the party's literature, where it was seen as a scientific necessity for analyzing the reality of social classes and their interests. The party criticized limiting unity to armed factions only, calling for expanding the representative base to include popular and economic forces hostile to the occupation.

Communist activity in Palestine began to extend to the Arab periphery in the mid-1920s, which alarmed the British and French Mandate authorities. The party believed that the Arab East was a single unit with common interests, and that the existing fragmentation was the result of conflicting colonial settlements.

Britain imposed a strict intellectual blockade to prevent the infiltration of Russian Revolution principles into Palestine, fearing their anti-imperialist effects. Nevertheless, these ideas reached through newcomers who were influenced by global transformations, contributing to the formation of the first nucleus of the labor and trade union movement.

The party was officially founded in Jaffa in 1919 and soon joined the 'Comintern' in Moscow to become part of the global communist system. Its early leaders warned against being led by Zionist policies, calling for the search for formulas of coexistence based on social justice.

The problem of 'Arabization of the Party' emerged as one of the most complex issues in its journey, facing resistance from some Jewish elements within the leadership. The Comintern's condition was clear: Arabs must be given a leading role commensurate with their being the overwhelming majority in the country.

To solve the cadre crisis, the party dispatched the first group of Arab communists to Moscow in 1927 to receive political and organizational education. Among these leaders were Radwan Al-Helou and Nejati Sidqi, who played a pivotal role in directing the party's activity towards Arab farmers and workers.

In 1943, the 'National Liberation League' was established as a broad national leftist framework comprising Arab intellectuals and workers in Palestine. The League was not merely a party split, but represented a political vanguard aiming to protect the social and economic demands of the masses in the face of colonialism.

Emile Touma, one of the most prominent leaders of the League, affirmed that this organization was born out of the Palestinian society's need for a party that carries the progressive heritage of the nation. The League considered itself an integral part of the Palestinian national movement, with an emphasis on the class dimension in the struggle against imperialism.

After 1948 and the establishment of the occupation state, Arab communists faced dramatic transformations in their political and organizational reality. While some agreed to the partition resolution and integrated into new frameworks, others opposed this path, leading to the emergence of deep intellectual crises within the movement.

The post-Nakba period witnessed a division in attitudes towards Israeli policies, the Soviet Union, and the Arab nationalist tide led by Gamal Abdel Nasser. The anti-Zionist current within the party struggled against the military rule imposed on Palestinians in the occupied territories in 1948.

The book concludes by documenting the role of communist intellectuals and poets who became national symbols deeply rooted in the homeland's soil. These individuals provided models of sacrifice in defending the rights of the working class, making the communist school a fundamental source of Palestinian revolutionary thought.

Palestinian communists realized early on that in order to defeat the forces of colonialism and Zionism, a national alliance based on anti-imperialism was necessary.

The Palestinian Ministry of Health announced on Saturday morning the martyrdom of Nour al-Din Fayyad, 34, who succumbed to serious injuries sustained from Israeli occupation forces' bullets. This occurred during an incursion carried out by Israeli units into Jenin refugee camp, where violent confrontations erupted in the area.\n\nThis field escalation coincided with the 78th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba, as occupation forces intensified their military operations in various cities and refugee camps across the West Bank. The incursions included towns and villages in Tubas, Tulkarm, and Qalqilya, amid strict security measures and house searches.\n\nIn Hebron governorate, medical sources reported that three Palestinian citizens were injured as a result of attacks carried out by extremist settlers on Friday evening. The Palestinian Red Crescent confirmed that its teams dealt with a live bullet injury to the thigh area in the town of Al-Dhahiriya, resulting from a settler directly firing at citizens.\n\nJaber neighborhood within Hebron city also witnessed severe beatings by groups of settlers, leading to two Palestinians sustaining various injuries and bruises. First aid was provided to the injured on the field before they were transferred to nearby hospitals for necessary treatment.\n\nVideo clips documented settlers attacking Palestinian homes in Wadi al-Hussein area in Hebron with stones, causing significant material damage. These attacks come under the protection and heavy presence of occupation forces who did not intervene to stop settler attacks on civilians.\n\nIn the Ramallah countryside, settlers attacked the outskirts of Shaqba town, where they set fire to two vehicles belonging to Palestinian citizens. The attacks also affected four other vehicles and agricultural rooms, coinciding with the occupation forces' incursion into the area to secure the withdrawal of the attacking settlers.\n\nAs for Bethlehem governorate, occupation forces stormed Nahalin town and stationed themselves in its center, where they carried out a widespread raid campaign on homes and commercial shops. This operation resulted in the arrest of a number of citizens, whose identities or destination have not yet been disclosed.\n\nIn a related context, local sources reported that Israeli special forces infiltrated Qalqilya city using camouflaged civilian vehicles. These forces raided several areas in the city, causing a state of tension and confrontations with Palestinian youths who tried to confront the incursion.\n\nRegarding violations in places of worship, Palestinian platforms circulated scenes showing occupation forces storming 'Beit Sheikh' mosque in Khirbet Tana, east of Beit Furik. The forces tried to prevent worshippers from performing prayers several times, but the residents insisted on holding them despite the imposed military restrictions.\n\nFor its part, a report by the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission revealed a frightening escalation in the pace of attacks during last April, with more than 1600 attacks recorded. These violations were distributed between direct army attacks and organized settler attacks, most of which were concentrated in Nablus, Hebron, and Ramallah.\n\nThe Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned in a statement the continuous incursions and settler attacks, especially in occupied Jerusalem. The ministry described these moves as a serious threat aimed at changing the status quo and imposing a fait accompli policy through military force and political incitement.\n\n"The Foreign Ministry indicated that the participation of ministers in the occupation government in these provocative practices reflects an official tendency to escalate the situation in the West Bank. It warned that the continuation of this policy would lead to further explosion in the region, calling on the international community to intervene immediately to stop these crimes.\n\nOfficial statistics indicate that the West Bank has been in a state of turmoil since the start of the war on the Gaza Strip in October 2023. Since then, confrontations and attacks have resulted in the martyrdom of 1155 Palestinians and the injury of thousands, amid arrest campaigns that targeted about 22,000 people.\n\nThese provocative practices and the accompanying incitement are part of the occupation's plan to impose new realities by force in occupied Jerusalem.

The streets of New York City, on Friday, witnessed thousands of demonstrators in an angry protest march condemning the continuation of the Israeli aggression on the Gaza Strip. The massive demonstration toured the main squares of the city, where participants raised slogans demanding freedom for Palestine and an immediate halt to the genocide war against civilians in the besieged Strip.

In a sharp expressive move, a number of protesters burned the Israeli flag and trampled on it in front of the crowds of demonstrators, which led to a state of extreme tension in the place. Media sources reported that these scenes reflect the growing tension in the American street and the radical shift in popular attitudes towards Israeli policies and ongoing military operations.

For its part, security agencies and New York police immediately intervened after the flag burning, carrying out arrests of at least one participant among the crowd. Despite the intense security presence, demonstrators continued to chant slogans condemning American support for the occupation, stressing that the voice of the street will not be silenced until justice is achieved for Palestinians.

Organizers of the march affirmed that this popular movement aims to send a clear and explicit message to decision-makers in Washington about the necessity of changing their policies towards the Palestinian issue. They also stressed that protests will continue in various American states to pressure for a ceasefire and the lifting of the unjust siege imposed on the residents of the Gaza Strip for years.

These developments come amid escalating global popular rejection of the crimes committed by the occupation army, where observers considered that the scene of flames devouring the occupation flag in the heart of New York represents a strong symbolism of rejection of Israeli policies. The atmosphere in the city remained charged with tension after the dispersal of the march, amid insistence from pro-Palestine forces to escalate the pace of protest activities.

The march toured the main squares of the city amid chants demanding freedom for Palestine and an end to the war of genocide.

Dr. Mohammed Halsa: Netanyahu still possesses political tools that enable him to influence these movements, even though the opposition has taken a first step towards trying to gather its scattered and fragmented forces.

Dr. Adnan Al-Afandi: The upcoming elections are a pivotal station in determining the directions of Israel's internal and external policy, especially after the events of October 7th.

Mazen Al-Jaabari: Netanyahu monopolized executive power by transforming the Likud into a populist right-wing party, becoming a tool for passing a coalition agenda with small, extremist parties.

Wadih Abu Nassar: The upcoming elections involve many aspects that could be pivotal for the fate of Israel, and the formation of the government depends on the alliances that will emerge.

Dr. Thaer Abu Ras: The upcoming elections and their results depend on regional, international, and internal transformations, and an alliance between Ben Gvir and Smotrich is likely.. and the war on Iran is the most important variable.

Wadih Awawdeh: A set of factors reflects the complexity surrounding the upcoming elections, which may constitute a decisive turning point in the future of the Israeli political scene.

Exclusive to -

In light of the political and security transformations Israel has witnessed since October 7th, attention is turning to the upcoming Israeli elections as one of the most sensitive and complex stations in the history of the Israeli party scene. While Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continues to face various internal and external issues, especially the repercussions of the war, corruption files, and questions related to his health after the announcement of his malignant tumor, specialists and observers, in interviews with "e", believe that the balance of power between the ruling coalition and the opposition remains close, emphasizing that the rise of right-wing discourse and the changes brought about by the war in the mood of the Israeli voter will make these elections a fateful battle that may redraw the political map in Israel, at a time when the possibilities of military escalation and new alliances remain crucial factors in determining their results.

No significant change despite Netanyahu's illness

Dr. Mohammed Halsa, a specialist in Israeli affairs, confirms that, even with the announcement of Benjamin Netanyahu's cancer diagnosis, no significant change has occurred in the political party scene regarding the upcoming elections, nor in the balance of power between the ruling coalition and the opposition bloc.

He adds: It is true that the opposition has taken a first step towards trying to gather its scattered and fragmented forces, but Netanyahu still possesses political tools that enable him to influence these movements, by playing on their ideological and political contradictions to serve his interests.

Al-Halsa adds that a political campaign has already begun targeting Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, where they are ridiculed within right-wing circles and portrayed as willing to ally with Arab parties, which is used to incite against them.

Al-Halsa continues, the alliance between Lapid and Bennett is presented in right-wing discourse as a product of Lapid's need for political survival in light of his declining popularity and his approaching below the electoral threshold, as well as Bennett's need to present himself as an opposition leader capable of competing with Netanyahu.

What if the opposition parties unite?

Al-Halsa emphasizes that, nevertheless, the scene is not yet complete, as the positions of Gadi Eisenkot and Avigdor Lieberman are still undecided. If they unite, as is being promoted in the Hebrew media, this will add a new and more serious challenge to Netanyahu. However, at present, there is still a kind of balance of power between the ruling coalition and the opposition, where the opposition cannot form a government coalition without the support of Arab parties, and it seems that it will not reach the threshold of 61 seats on its own, unless it allies with an Arab party (Mansour Abbas) as a presumed partner, otherwise the balance of the two Zionist camps means entering again into the cycle of successive election rounds.

Regarding Netanyahu's illness, Al-Halsa says that the latter is trying to overcome it propagandistically, by appearing in video clips exercising, in an attempt to show that he is in good health, which reduces the opposition's ability to exploit this issue politically. The issue of his trial also remains a present factor, although some see the illness as a potential entry point for a political settlement, especially in light of the pardon procedures not yet being initiated.

Netanyahu resorting to military escalation before the elections to give him a boost in the elections.

Al-Halsa confirms that, on the other hand, Netanyahu still has other options, including military escalation, whether in the Gaza Strip or Lebanon, in light of the continued regional tension, and perhaps also in the Iranian arena. It is not unlikely that he will resort to a major escalation before the elections, which may reach the point of expanding military operations in Gaza, with the aim of achieving a political or military achievement that will give him a boost in the elections.

Al-Halsa concludes that the scene of political alignments within Israel remains open to multiple possibilities, but the extent of their impact on the balances of the electoral map and its results remains limited according to what opinion polls within Israeli society have shown so far.

Pivotal station

Dr. Adnan Al-Afandi, a specialist analyst in Israeli affairs, believes that the upcoming Israeli elections in Israel are a pivotal station in determining the directions of Israel's internal and external policy, especially after the events of October 7, 2023.

He says that these events constituted a priority for the Israeli voter and what followed October 7th, such as the war with Lebanon and Iran, and the impact of these events on the Israeli voter's point of view.

Al-Afandi emphasizes that voter behavior is one of the most important factors determining election results in Israel, especially in a political system based on party pluralism and proportional representation, noting that voter behavior in Israel reflects an interaction between security, social, economic, and ideological factors.

Al-Afandi points out that October 7th will have a great impact on the Israeli voter through all factors, especially the security and ideological factors, because the religious ideological aspect among Israelis has greatly increased in the last two years, in addition to the security factor, which has become a basic demand for security in Israel, especially after the war with Iran and the extensive rocket attacks on Israeli cities, and in addition to the economic situation that has affected Israelis due to the recent wars, especially with Iran and Hezbollah, all of which will have an impact on voter behavior in Israel.

Israeli right still maintains its alliance

Al-Afandi believes that this will be in favor of the far-right alliance formed by Benjamin Netanyahu, explaining that this alliance is cohesive because its formation is from the most extremist government since the establishment of the entity, and Netanyahu's latest statements, even about the political process and the Palestinian situation, were clear that there would be no political path with the Palestinians. I believe all these matters satisfy the mood of Israelis who will lean towards the far right, therefore

Al-Afandi believes that the Israeli right still maintains its alliance as a result of the clear extremism among the majority of Israeli society after October 7th, and that the map of alliances within the right will be stronger than other alliances in the opposition. Also, as a result of the continuous increase in the relative weight of the ultra-Orthodox Haredi Jews and religious Jews, and also the rise of movements such as Religious Zionism, which will work to strengthen the alliance with the right more strongly than before, and it is worth noting that this alliance has historically existed between Haredi parties and the right for a long time.

Al-Afandi confirms that Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition and government are still cohesive to the utmost extent, despite the revelation of Netanyahu's malignant tumor, and despite the opposition parties having directed and continuing to direct criticism at the hardline right-wing government led by Netanyahu regarding the management of recent wars and the political situation. All these criticisms are confined to the management of the war in general and do not oppose the war itself.

Al-Afandi believes that the map of alliances clearly shows that the right-wing alliance led by Netanyahu will be the strongest, representing the far-right current, in contrast to a center-right current led by Naftali Bennett, which will oppose Netanyahu and his project.

Radical change in political and military realities

Mazen Al-Jaabari, a writer specializing in Israeli affairs, says: The upcoming elections in Israel are fateful elections in which the conflict intensifies, especially after the revelation of Benjamin Netanyahu's malignant tumor.

He adds, this time, the elections do not seem like previous ones, as the political and military reality has radically changed after October 7th, and the revelation of the illness added another complex dimension, making the Knesset battle a referendum on the life and rule of a man who dominated the scene for more than a decade and a half.

Al-Jaabari believes that the main focus of these elections will be the overthrow or survival of Netanyahu, which is the same essence that dominated the recent election rounds in Israel, but this time with the difference that Netanyahu no longer has the cover of a strong security man, after the failure of October 7th and the leaks about his health condition.

Al-Jaabari confirms that since 2009, Netanyahu has been the first prime minister after Ben-Gurion to rule for the longest continuous period, breaking records in Israeli politics. He adds that during this period, he was able to rally the Zionist right and religious movements in his government, placing them in key decision-making positions, from the Haredi budget to the settlement file and also internal security. He monopolized executive power in Israel by transforming the Likud party into a populist right-wing party, but in essence, it became a tool for passing a coalition agenda with small extremist parties that control its decisions and survival. This transformation would not have happened without a radical change in the joints of governance, where professional competencies were replaced by political loyalties.

Al-Jaabari points out that the differences within Israeli society, especially those resulting from attempts to subjugate the judiciary to the right-wing government, have created an irreparable rift. The appointment of most security officials and decision-making circles from right-wing supporters has brought about a structural change within decision-making institutions, where the army, intelligence, and police have become subject to purely political considerations.

Al-Jaabari believes that this situation led the state after October 7th to radical transformations, which were not limited to managing the war in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, but also affected the nature of the state itself. The conflict between the religious and the liberals reignited, with liberals accusing the religious right of dismantling the army through exemption from conscription laws, while the religious believe that liberals are exploiting the war to impose extreme secularism.

Al-Jaabari confirms that the alliance of Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett from the Israeli opposition, and the possibility of forming a broad opposition front with Gantz and Eisenkot for the elections with the support of Mansour Abbas from the United Arab List, is the most likely scenario to turn the tables. He points out that Mansour Abbas, who previously formed a lifeline for the Bennett-Lapid coalition, today finds himself in a position of strength, where he sets his conditions for supporting any camp, which is the biggest challenge for Netanyahu.

Al-Jaabari believes that the probabilities of the upcoming elections are limited to two options: either the removal of Netanyahu and the formation of a transitional government, or the conflict turning violent if the far-right (led by Ben Gvir and Smotrich) refuses to give up its gains achieved during the last three years, especially control over the judiciary and security positions.

Netanyahu's illness, the continuation of corruption trials, and his abysmal failure to achieve any military or political resolution are all factors that will inevitably increase the chances of opponents to overthrow him.

Al-Jaabari concludes that Netanyahu's illness, the continuation of corruption trials, and his abysmal failure to achieve any military or political resolution as he promised in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, are all cumulative factors that will inevitably increase the chances of opponents to overthrow him. But the real question is not just "Will Netanyahu fall?", but what will happen after his fall? In a state whose institutions have been transformed and engineered for the benefit of one man, the vacuum he will leave may be more dangerous than his continued presence.

The elections involve aspects that may be pivotal

Wadih Abu Nassar, an analyst specializing in Israeli affairs, confirms that the upcoming Israeli elections involve many aspects that could be pivotal for the fate of the State of Israel.

He adds: The first aspect concerns Benjamin Netanyahu and his position. While it is true that he announced suffering from health problems, the major problem lies in his pursuit of remaining prime minister despite the ongoing trial against him, especially in light of an offer from the Israeli president to reach a deal between Netanyahu and the prosecution. On the other hand, the government's legal advisor insists that any deal must effectively include Netanyahu's withdrawal from political life.

Abu Nassar points out that there are no direct elections in Israel, and therefore the formation of the government depends on the alliances that will emerge after the elections. This path is fraught with many complexities, especially since opinion polls so far indicate that neither of the two camps, whether pro-Netanyahu or anti-Netanyahu, is able to form a government coalition without support from the other side or the inclusion of at least one Arab party.

Abu Nassar explains that an additional problem is that the vast majority of Zionist parties, especially the right-wing ones, are preoccupied with rejecting the legitimization of Arab participation, which is a very serious matter.

Abu Nassar says that the third problem with the election results is the question of whether the far-right, led by Netanyahu, will accept them. Some doubt this, believing that if this camp loses, it may resort to challenging the integrity of the Central Elections Committee. In this context, the resignation submitted by Orly Adas, the Secretary-General of the Central Elections Committee two days ago, was not surprising.

The indicators seem to be, despite everything, in favor of Netanyahu in particular, and in favor of the right in general.

Abu Nassar confirms that there is also a present security dimension, as Netanyahu is likely to resort to some escalation before the elections, which may affect their results and push towards further rightward shift. So far, the indicators seem to be, despite everything, in favor of Netanyahu in particular, and in favor of the right in general.

Elections contingent on regional, international, and internal transformations

Dr. Thaer Abu Ras, a political analyst specializing in Israeli affairs, believes that the upcoming elections in Israel and their results will be contingent on regional, international, and internal transformations related to Israel.

He says, if we talk about regional transformations, the war on Iran is the most important variable in this context. Until this moment, it seems as if the American-Israeli project in Iran has failed, which negatively reflects on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as he initiated this war.

Abu Ras adds: Netanyahu has always spoken, for many years, about the only solution to confront Iranian influence in the region being a war led by the United States. After years, he got what he wanted, as Israel's strategic situation worsened. Israel is also globally accused of facing a worsening economic crisis, in addition to a decline in its ability to establish its position in the region.

Abu Ras confirms that before the war on Iran, Israelis spoke of themselves as the coming dominant power in the region, but now the talk has begun to shift towards Iran potentially emerging stronger from this war, especially if it reaches an agreement that lifts sanctions, which will further weaken Israel and negatively reflect on Netanyahu in the elections.

Netanyahu has not succeeded in making significant progress

Abu Ras points out that opinion polls show that since the outbreak of this war, Netanyahu has not succeeded in making significant progress; on the contrary, his standing has relatively declined. Therefore, the regional variable is an important factor, as is the international variable, especially if the world enters an economic crisis, particularly with the current energy crisis contributing to rising living costs globally, including within Israel. If these crises are not contained, they will negatively reflect on the Israeli government.

Abu Ras confirms that Israel has not achieved success either in the war on Iran or in controlling internal economic conditions, especially regarding the cost of living. In addition, internal changes that have recently become clear are emerging, most notably the alliance between Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, which strengthens Bennett's position as a main competitor to Netanyahu for the prime minister's office.

He points out that this does not mean that Bennett is the confirmed candidate, but he is the most favored compared to the rest of the party leaders seeking to replace Netanyahu. He also expects the political arena to witness additional alliances, whether between Avigdor Lieberman and Gadi Eisenkot, or the possibility of one of them joining the Bennett-Lapid alliance. If an alliance is formed between the Arab parties, this could, according to opinion polls, lead to the withdrawal of at least two seats from Netanyahu's camp, which will weaken him further.

Abu Ras, on the other hand, expects Itamar Ben Gvir to ally with Bezalel Smotrich, especially since opinion polls indicate the difficulty for Smotrich to cross the electoral threshold on his own. The most prominent question remains about the possibility of forming an alliance between the Arab parties, as if this happens, it could, according to opinion polls, lead to the withdrawal of at least two seats from Netanyahu's camp, which will weaken him further.

Abu Ras concludes that the picture remains unclear, especially with about five months remaining until the elections, but these three variables: regional, international, and internal, will remain the decisive factor in determining the final results.

Fateful elections

Wadih Awawdeh, a political analyst specializing in Israeli affairs, believes that these elections are indeed fateful. Every time it is said that the elections are fateful, but this time it truly seems so for the hardline Zionist right, and for Benjamin Netanyahu in particular, for two main reasons.

The first reason is the extent of internal pressures and increasing criticism, in light of issues such as widespread corruption, escalating violence, declining governance, in addition to the accusations against Netanyahu. All of this weakens the chances of the ruling coalition, which is accused of failure at the internal level, posing a significant challenge to it.

The second reason relates to the external file, as the open fronts since October 7th have not yet been resolved, and an impression is forming among Israelis, Arabs, and the international community that Israel has not achieved a decisive victory, neither in Iran nor in Lebanon, and that the bleeding continues. There is also widespread criticism of the absence of a political component for solutions, the excessive reliance on military force, in addition to the arrogant discourse that has created a gap between expectations and reality.

Awawdeh confirms that the confrontation in Lebanon seems different from what it was previously, as Israel no longer moves freely as in the past, in light of new deterrence equations. He points out that with the entry of drones into the confrontation, a state of frustration and disappointment escalated within Israel, especially with the feeling that political and military decisions are greatly influenced by the United States, raising questions about the independence of Israeli decision-making.

Replacing Netanyahu's image with Trump's image

Awawdeh says: This was reflected in symbolic positions, such as replacing Netanyahu's image with that of the American president in some offices, indicating the extent of external influence. Opinion polls also indicate a decline in Netanyahu's standing and the possibility of his loss, which reinforces the description of these elections as fateful for him.

He adds: This is also related to Netanyahu's image, which he sought to consolidate over the years, as the "security man" and the maker of major transformations in the Middle East, but this image today faces major challenges, with increasing doubts about his ability to fulfill these promises.

Awawdeh believes that if Netanyahu leaves the premiership, it will not be an ordinary event, given the length of his rule compared to most of his predecessors, which will leave a significant impact on the Israeli political scene. Therefore, Netanyahu is fighting a decisive battle to maintain his position and his political legacy in the memory of Israelis, especially since he belongs to a family that cares about writing and documenting history.

A state of sharp division

Awawdeh addresses the internal situation, saying: Israel is witnessing a state of sharp division, with intense debate about Netanyahu's performance, whether regarding the management of the war, internal and external affairs, corruption issues, or maintaining the state's prestige and independence of its decision. Other contentious issues also arise, such as the Haredi issue, which is a sensitive issue in light of the war and multiple fronts.

Regarding his health, Awawdeh says Netanyahu may try to use it politically, either to gain sympathy or to justify some of his decisions. Some also raise the possibility that he might use this issue as a political exit if he feels that his chances of remaining in power are diminishing, by withdrawing from the scene under the pretext of illness, which could open the door to a legal settlement ending his prosecution.

He adds: On the other hand, some opinions within Israel go to other scenarios, including the possibility of questioning the election results if he loses, or even seeking to postpone them by extending the state of emergency, although these scenarios remain controversial and some dismiss them, but they are raised in political discussions within Israel.

Awawdeh concluded by saying: "These factors combined reflect the complexity surrounding the upcoming elections, which may constitute a decisive turning point in the future of the Israeli political scene."

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas participated this Saturday morning in the voting process to elect members of the Central Committee and the Revolutionary Council of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah). The electoral process took place in Ahmed Al-Shuqairi Hall at the presidential headquarters in Ramallah, where intense organizational atmospheres prevailed, accompanying the arrival of members of the Eighth Conference to choose their new leadership. Abbas inspected the progress of work in the polling stations, listening to clarifications from the supervisory committee regarding the technical procedures followed to ensure the integrity and transparency of the voting.

President Abbas, in press statements after casting his vote, emphasized the strategic importance of this organizational entitlement, considering it a necessary step to strengthen the unity of the movement and renew the blood of its leadership institutions. He pointed out that the success of these elections reflects Fatah's determination to face the upcoming political and national challenges with unified ranks and an elected leadership. He also stressed that the movement prioritizes internal democracy to ensure the continuity of its pioneering role in the Palestinian scene.

Abbas described the current year as 'the year of democracy' par excellence, reviewing a series of steps recently taken by Palestinian institutions to promote this approach. He mentioned that the path began with the holding of the Fatah Youth Conference, then moved to the local elections in April last year, leading to the current convening of the movement's Eighth Conference. He considered that these successive milestones establish a new phase of political work based on partnership and election.

In a related context, the Palestinian President revealed the features of the political roadmap for the next phase, announcing the start of actual preparations for holding the Palestinian National Council elections next November. He explained that this step comes within a comprehensive vision to reactivate the institutions of the Palestine Liberation Organization and develop their performance in line with current changes. These moves aim to arrange the internal Palestinian house as a prelude to broader national entitlements that include all segments of the people.

Abbas concluded his speech by emphasizing that the Palestinian leadership is working to prepare the legal and political ground for holding general and presidential elections in all Palestinian territories. These preparations include drafting a new constitution for the state, preparing a modern law for political parties, in addition to updating the general election law to ensure the inclusiveness of the democratic process. He stressed that the ultimate goal is to enable the Palestinian citizen to exercise their constitutional right to choose their representatives in all legislative and executive bodies.

This year is the year of democracy, and we are moving towards creating the atmosphere for general and presidential elections by updating laws and drafting the constitution.

The Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, mourned on Saturday the commander-in-chief of the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, Izz al-Din al-Haddad, who was martyred in an Israeli airstrike targeting his location in Gaza City. The funeral procession for al-Haddad's body took place in a massive public atmosphere, with thousands of citizens participating in bidding farewell to the military leader who had been pursued by occupation forces for many years.

Field sources reported that occupation aircraft targeted the Al-Mu'taz residential building in the Al-Rimal neighborhood with three direct missiles, leading to the martyrdom of al-Haddad along with his wife and daughter, in addition to a number of other martyrs and wounded. This assassination comes amidst continuous Israeli escalation and a breach of truce agreements that have seen hundreds of casualties in recent weeks.

Izz al-Din al-Haddad, nicknamed 'The Ghost,' is the third commander-in-chief of the Al-Qassam Brigades to be assassinated during the current confrontation. He succeeded Muhammad Sinwar, who was martyred in May 2025, who in turn took command after the martyrdom of Muhammad Deif in July 2024. This series of targeting highlights the occupation's determination to eliminate the first line of the movement's military leadership.

For its part, the occupation army and the Shin Bet officially announced their responsibility for the operation, claiming that al-Haddad was one of the main planners of the October 7 attacks. The head of the occupation government, Benjamin Netanyahu, justified the attack by claiming al-Haddad's rejection of proposals related to disarming the resistance and evacuating the Gaza Strip of military presence, which the occupation considered an obstacle to its goals.

On the organizational level, data indicates that the occupation managed to target 13 out of 15 members of the Al-Qassam Brigades' military council according to its pre-war formation. According to sources within the movement, the two remaining members of the old formation are Muhammad Odeh, head of military intelligence, and Imad Aql, responsible for the internal front file.

Despite the gravity of the loss, sources close to the resistance confirmed that Hamas does not intend to announce the name of the new commander of the Al-Qassam Brigades at the present time for security and operational reasons. The sources explained that the military structure of Al-Qassam is designed in a way that ensures the continuity of command and control even in the absence of senior leaders, through the delegation of powers to the field.

Political observers believe that al-Haddad was not just a field military commander, but rather formed the main link between the military wing and the political leadership of the movement. Al-Haddad oversaw the indirect negotiation file directly and was an integral part of the decision-making circles that balanced military action and the political path.

Historically, al-Haddad's name prominently emerged after the 'Sword of Jerusalem' battle in 2021, where he led the Gaza Brigade, considered one of Al-Qassam's strongest brigades. Al-Haddad survived several previous assassination attempts in 2009, 2012, and 2021, which led the occupation to offer a huge reward of $750,000 for information leading to his capture.

In an analysis of the assassination's repercussions, political researchers explained that the Al-Qassam Brigades have succeeded during the war years in building a flexible structure capable of absorbing severe blows. They pointed out that the movement has previously managed to quickly fill leadership vacuums, preventing the collapse of the military system or a substantial impact on field operations.

Al-Haddad's martyrdom further complicates the field situation in the Gaza Strip, where statistics indicate that the toll of casualties from occupation breaches since the last ceasefire began has exceeded 850 martyrs. This escalation reflects an Israeli desire to exert maximum military pressure to achieve political gains in the prisoner exchange and security arrangements files.

In conclusion, the passing of Izz al-Din al-Haddad represents the end of an era for a generation of founding leaders who shaped the military doctrine of the Al-Qassam Brigades. However, the biggest challenge facing the movement remains its ability to produce new leadership capable of managing the conflict under complex security conditions and continuous attrition of human and material resources in the besieged Strip.

The assassination of Izz al-Din al-Haddad, despite its seriousness, was not shocking and did not cause a direct change in the operational resistance structure capable of absorbing blows.

Hundreds of Jordanian citizens gathered in the streets of the capital Amman after Friday prayers to participate in a massive public march commemorating the 78th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba. This event came to affirm the steadfast Jordanian popular stance in supporting the resilience of Palestinians in the face of ongoing Israeli occupation policies. The march set off from in front of the Grand Husseini Mosque in the city center, with a notable presence of various political and popular factions.

This demonstration was organized by the 'National Forum for Supporting the Resistance' in cooperation with a group of political parties, with the march raising the slogan 'Resistance is the path to return.' Participants carried banners emphasizing the Arab identity of Palestine from the river to the sea, declaring their categorical rejection of the normalization process with the occupation. The demonstrators stressed that national unity and adherence to the resistance option are the only way to liberate the land and restore usurped rights.

The participants' voices resonated with enthusiastic chants supporting the revolutionaries in the occupied territories, affirming that the voice of the Jordanian people will remain a support and backing for the Palestinian resistance. The demonstrators also directed sharp criticism at the American administration, describing it as a primary partner in the aggression through chants condemning the unlimited military and political support provided by Washington to Tel Aviv. The protesters affirmed that the Palestinian people will not yield or break, no matter the sacrifices.

In a speech delivered during the event, the head of the National Forum for Supporting the Resistance, Issam Al-Khawaja, affirmed that this year's Nakba anniversary comes amidst legendary steadfastness that has continued for decades. Al-Khawaja explained that the repercussions of the Nakba were not limited to the Palestinian interior alone, but its effects extended to include all Arab and Islamic peoples. He described what Palestinians have been subjected to since 1948 as a systematic ethnic cleansing and genocide whose chapters continue to this day.

Speakers at the march pointed out that 78 years of forced displacement have only increased the new generations' adherence to the sacred right of return. They considered that the popular movement in Jordan represents the pulse of the Arab street rejecting attempts to liquidate the Palestinian cause or accept the fait accompli that the occupation tries to impose. The organizing forces of the march also called for the necessity of escalating popular pressure to stop the aggression and protect Islamic and Christian holy sites in occupied Jerusalem.

This anniversary recalls the tragedy of the displacement of about 957,000 Palestinians from their cities and villages in 1948, which represents the majority of Palestine's population at that time, according to historical data. Jordanians commemorate on this occasion the destruction of more than 1,300 Palestinian villages and towns by Zionist gangs. This march comes to affirm that Palestinian and Arab memory is still alive, and that the right of return does not lapse with time, no matter how long the occupation lasts.

The Nakba was not a catastrophe for the people of Palestine alone, but it affected our Arab and Islamic peoples and represented a blatant expression of genocide and systematic cleansing.

New York City Mayor, Zohran Mamdani, sparked a wave of controversy and criticism in Israeli circles after publishing a video documenting the historical testimony of a Palestinian woman who survived the 1948 Nakba events. Ms. Inaya Bushnaq, currently residing in New York, spoke about her painful memories and the details of her escape from the occupied city of Jerusalem under the weight of violence and killings that accompanied the forced displacement of Palestinians during that era.

Mamdani affirmed in his comment on the video that Bushnaq's story reflects the tragedy of nearly 700,000 Palestinians who were forced to leave their homes, emphasizing the importance of preserving this memory, passed down through generations, as a symbol of refuge and adherence to rights. The clip included a comprehensive definition of the term 'Nakba' as the catastrophe that befell the Palestinian people, referring to the crimes committed during the establishment of the occupation state and its subsequent humanitarian repercussions.

The filmed testimony reviewed the role of Zionist militias, such as the 'Haganah', 'Irgun', and 'Lehi', in completely destroying more than 400 Palestinian villages and towns. Bushnaq also pointed to the execution of dozens of bloody massacres that claimed the lives of thousands of civilians, which led to mass displacement out of fear of imminent death, a narrative that Palestinians seek to revive annually in mid-May.

In contrast, Israeli media launched an attack on the mayor, with journalistic sources considering that the clip presents a one-sided account of historical events and ignores the political and military contexts of the war. These sources criticized the video's failure to mention the rejection of the UN partition plan or the entry of Arab armies into Palestine, claiming that the content overlooks what it described as violations suffered by Jews during that period.

For its part, the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs entered the confrontation through social media platforms, claiming that the Nakba was a direct result of the Arab side's rejection of the UN partition resolution. The ministry held Arab leaders responsible for the war that erupted at the time, considering that its goal was to eliminate the nascent Hebrew state, in an attempt to refute the Palestinian narrative published by Mamdani.

The responses were not limited to the official side but extended to include prominent Jewish figures in New York who accused the mayor of distorting historical facts and ignoring the realities associated with the establishment of Israel. Some comments included an inflammatory tone and harsh language against Mamdani, reflecting the extent of division and tension that Palestinian memory issues provoke within political and social circles in the United States.

This testimony represents one of nearly 700,000 Palestinians who were displaced during the 1948 Nakba, and it carries deep symbolism about homeland, memory, and intergenerational refuge.

The I Teacher educational platform announced the launch of the “We Will Keep Learning” campaign in cooperation with Palpay company, with the aim of enabling students in the Gaza Strip to continue their education and access integrated and flexible educational content at a symbolic price, in light of the difficult humanitarian and educational conditions experienced by the Strip.

This initiative comes in response to the major challenges facing the educational process in Gaza, and the resulting educational loss over the past two years. The campaign seeks to provide a practical educational solution that helps students follow their lessons, compensate for what they missed, and prepare for exams according to their specific circumstances.

I Teacher is a Palestinian educational platform specialized in providing a complete explanation of the Palestinian curriculum from the fourth grade to Tawjihi (high school matriculation), through high-quality pre-recorded video lessons, allowing students to study at any time and from anywhere, in line with the reality of electricity, internet, and different living conditions within the Gaza Strip.

The platform also relies on the concept of “asynchronous learning,” which allows students to learn according to their available time without the need to commit to live classes or specific times, which makes it suitable for the reality of families in Gaza, especially with more than one student sometimes using the same device.

The platform provides an integrated educational experience that includes detailed explanations of study materials, solving questions from inside and outside the textbook, and interactive questions that help students evaluate their level, in addition to the ability to re-watch lessons and refer to previous grades to compensate for educational loss and correctly rebuild the student's academic foundation.

Palpay affirmed that this campaign comes within the framework of its social responsibility and its commitment to supporting digital education in Palestine, and its vision of harnessing technology and digital services to support Palestinian society and enhance access to education, as a fundamental right for every student, especially in light of the current circumstances.

Through the campaign, students in the Gaza Strip will be able to subscribe to the I Teacher platform and access educational content easily through the wallet, ensuring that the service reaches the largest possible number of students and parents.

The campaign carries a main message that education must continue no matter the circumstances, and that every student has the right to access educational opportunities that help them build their future.

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) revealed details of a complex and secret logistical operation, during which it succeeded in transferring Palestinian refugee archives from the Gaza Strip and occupied Jerusalem to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. This step comes amid extremely dangerous security conditions, as the operation was described as the most important since the outbreak of the recent Israeli aggression on the Strip, to ensure the preservation of historical records from loss.

The announcement of the success of this mission coincided with the commemoration of the seventy-eighth anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba, where the agency confirmed that millions of documents are now safe in the capital Amman. The transfer and smuggling efforts continued for nearly ten consecutive months, during which employees faced real dangers due to the continuous Israeli shelling that targeted convoys and facilities, amid international fears of the destruction of the archive that documents Palestinian rights since 1948.

The transferred archive is not limited to the initial registration cards of refugees, but extends to include a documentary treasure of birth certificates, marriage contracts, and death certificates that have passed down through generations. These papers, according to international press reports, are considered the only legal and historical proof for thousands of families who were displaced from their original cities and villages during past decades, making their preservation an existential battle in itself.

Regarding the details of the transfer from the Gaza Strip, sources reported that employees had to work under the sound of explosions to collect documents and transfer them in a small truck from the heart of Gaza City. The truck took rough roads until it reached the Rafah border crossing with Egypt, and from there, its air transfer was coordinated via a Jordanian military aircraft that had arrived in the region as part of relief and humanitarian missions for the besieged Strip.

In occupied Jerusalem, the process of extracting documents was characterized by other complexities, especially in light of Israeli laws aimed at undermining UNRWA's work and the escalating attacks by settlers on its headquarters. Despite these challenges, specialized teams managed to pass the documents through the King Hussein Bridge connecting the West Bank and Jordan, away from the eyes of surveillance that feared the confiscation of this historical heritage.

Immediately upon the arrival of the boxes in the Jordanian capital, UNRWA mobilized its technical teams, where more than fifty employees are currently working around the clock to process this data. The current mission is to manually and accurately digitize all documents, with the aim of building an integrated digital database that ensures the preservation of the memory of Palestinian refuge from any future attempts at erasure or falsification.

The ambitious digitization project aims to enable every Palestinian refugee in the future to obtain their complete family tree and certified copies of their original documents with the click of a button. The agency believes that this measure gives refugees a sense of legal continuity and connection to their roots, amid continuous occupation attempts to remove the refugee issue from the international agenda and cancel the right of return.

Through this proactive step, UNRWA seeks to avoid a repeat of the historical tragedy that occurred in 1982, when the Israeli occupation army seized the Palestine Liberation Organization's archive during the invasion of Beirut. Sources confirm that protecting these papers is protecting the official Palestinian narrative in the face of attempts at obliteration, as each paper represents conclusive evidence of land ownership and historical right.

In conclusion, observers believe that the success of this operation represents a great moral and legal victory for Palestinians, as the preservation of civil records is an integral part of the national struggle. Efforts continue in Amman to ensure the archiving of every scrap of paper, believing that these documents are the identity that the occupation cannot confiscate, no matter the strength of the war machine or systematic policies of oppression.

These documents represent the only evidence for hundreds of Palestinians who were displaced from their villages, and every paper in them tells the story of an entire people.

Hebrew press reports indicated that international diplomat Nikolay Mladenov has reached a firm conviction regarding the failure of the project known as the 'Peace Council' in the Gaza Strip. This conclusion came after a series of diplomatic movements and shuttle visits he recently conducted to the occupied territories, where data suggests the project has completely stalled after months of faltering attempts.

Sources stated that Mladenov held an important meeting last Tuesday with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the second such meeting in a short period. During these discussions, the international envoy sought to convey clear messages about the complexities of the field situation in the Strip, attempting to paint a realistic picture of the challenges facing any political settlement.

According to informed sources, Mladenov tried to convince the Israeli side that Hamas shows no intention of voluntarily relinquishing its military arsenal. Although he did not state this publicly, the essence of his discussions with Netanyahu focused on the impossibility of achieving disarmament through currently available diplomatic tools under the present circumstances.

The meeting was notably attended by envoys from the White House, which added a serious and committed character to the ongoing discussions. Observers believe that the American representation places additional pressure on all parties, especially given the international community's hopes for the role of mediators in preventing a complete collapse of the situation.

Following the conclusion of his consultations with the Israeli leadership, Mladenov met with representatives of foreign media in occupied Jerusalem. He stated that the political horizon for improving the living conditions and future of the residents of the Gaza Strip remains blocked, emphasizing that the current reality does not meet the aspirations of Palestinians or the promises made to them.

Analyses indicate that the international envoy finds himself in a critical position, as he refuses to explicitly admit failure and withdraw from the mediation scene at present. This is due to his desire to avoid giving the impression of surrender, especially with political circles anticipating a decisive vote in the Israeli Knesset next week that could change the rules of the game.

Should the 'Peace Council' project definitively collapse, estimates suggest a direct and continuous confrontation between the occupation and Hamas without political cover. Sources confirm that the movement still retains its military capabilities and refuses to raise the white flag, which Palestinian circles consider resilience after two years of intensive military operations.

Israeli interpretation of the situation is that Hamas has succeeded in demonstrating high resilience despite the suffocating blockade and continuous ground and air operations. Although the Gaza Strip is now in a state of severe weakness compared to before the events of October 7th, the military structure of the factions still poses an ongoing challenge.

It appears that the 'Peace Council' project has exhausted all its possible energies, as diplomats are now trying to salvage what can be saved from the remnants of previous initiatives. Questions remain about the possibility of Israeli military mechanisms returning to invade city centers in Gaza, an option fraught with many doubts and political and military risks.

In conclusion, the situation in Gaza remains hostage to political tensions within Israel and international pressures led by UN and US envoys. With the continued blockade and marginalization of humanitarian issues, a field explosion remains a likely option in the absence of any real prospect for a solution or improvement in the lives of millions of besieged Palestinians.

The door to improving Gaza's future remains closed, and this is not what the Palestinians were promised nor what they deserve.

Official sources in the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) reported that the movement is in the process of organizing a second electoral round within its internal process to choose a new head for the Political Bureau. This announcement comes after the first round of voting concluded without any of the contenders being able to obtain the required percentage to definitively decide the position.

The movement confirmed in a statement that this procedure comes in compliance with the regulatory regulations and internal systems governing the electoral process, emphasizing that returning to the ballot boxes aims to enhance the principle of consultation and ensure the highest degrees of transparency in choosing the next leadership for the sensitive stage the Palestinian cause is going through.

The second round is scheduled to take place at a later time not precisely specified by the statement, where the candidates who received the highest votes in the first round will compete. These elections gain exceptional importance in light of the current political and field challenges, as Palestinian and international circles await the identity of the personality who will lead the movement's Political Bureau in the next stage.

The first round of voting did not result in a decisive outcome for any of the candidates.

The tragedy of war in the Gaza Strip is no longer limited to the loss of lives or the destruction of homes; it has extended to leave deep scars on the faces and bodies of survivors. Sundus, a young woman not yet twenty years old, represents a stark example of this suffering, as missile shrapnel tore through her body and transformed her features into permanent scars. Today, Sundus lives in a displacement tent in Gaza City, relying on her crutch and remnants of hope to reclaim the life that the explosion stole from her.

Sundus's injuries go beyond visible wounds; she has lost her hearing and one of her eyes has been severely damaged, making communication with the outside world a heavy burden. Her mother bitterly recounts how her daughter spends her nights struggling with pain and severe itching from burns, sometimes reaching a point where she forcefully removes her bandages until her body bleeds again, escaping an unceasing agony.

In addition to physical pain, psychological suffering emerges as a threat to the remaining spirit of the wounded, as Sundus is haunted by harsh words from those around her, describing her as 'disfigured.' This cruel societal view drives her to cry alone inside her tent, preferring isolation to facing a society that shows no mercy for war scars that were never her choice.

In a related context, journalists who dedicated their lives to documenting the truth have not escaped this tragedy. Photographer Mohammed Al-Qahwaji found himself a victim of the very missiles whose effects he was photographing. Al-Qahwaji suffered multiple fractures in his upper and lower jaws, in addition to explosive wounds that covered his face and deprived him of his former features, making him afraid to look in the mirror and avoid seeing his new image.

Al-Qahwaji asserts that the scars left by the war are not just marks on the skin, but deep psychological wounds that make it difficult to return to a normal or professional life. For the injured in Gaza, losing their features means losing their personal identity and the ability to reintegrate into society, especially in the absence of specialized psychological rehabilitation centers.

Medically, health workers in the Gaza Strip are issuing repeated cries for help due to the increasing number of injured people who require complex and long-term reconstructive surgeries. Hospitals suffer from a severe and chronic shortage of surgical instruments and essential medical consumables needed to perform these operations, leaving hundreds of wounded on endless waiting lists, while their health conditions worsen day by day.

The bitter reality in Gaza indicates that the pain does not end when the shelling stops; rather, a new chapter begins with attempts to heal wounds and live with permanent disabilities. The stories of Sundus, Al-Qahwaji, and thousands of other injured individuals remain a testament to the brutality of war, which not only kills bodies but also seeks to disfigure souls and deprive victims of their right to live with dignity and peace.

I wish I could return to my normal life before the war... I can no longer bear people's stares and their harsh words.

The Israeli occupation army acknowledged on Saturday evening the killing of an officer with the rank of captain during ongoing confrontations in southern Lebanon, due to the explosion of an explosive drone that targeted a position of the invading forces. The military statement clarified that the deceased was Captain Maor Yisrael Recanati, 24 years old, who served as a squad commander in the 12th Battalion of the elite Golani Brigade.

According to Hebrew reports, Recanati is the twentieth soldier to be killed in Lebanese territory since the escalation of military operations on February 28th. Statistics also indicate that he is the seventh soldier killed since the fragile ceasefire agreement came into effect on April 16th, reflecting the extent of attrition suffered by Israeli forces.

This officer is the second whose death the occupation has announced in less than 24 hours in the fierce battles with Hezbollah fighters. Security circles in Tel Aviv classify the suicide drones launched by Hezbollah as one of the most dangerous field challenges, given their ability to bypass air defense systems and inflict direct losses among infantry and vehicles.

On the ground, Hezbollah announced the execution of eight qualitative attacks targeting the movements of the occupation army in border villages, affirming that these operations come within the framework of defending Lebanese sovereignty and responding to repeated Israeli violations of the truce. The attacks included the use of suicide drones, rocket salvos, and artillery shells that hit sensitive concentration points.

In detail of the operations, Hezbollah fighters targeted gatherings of occupation soldiers in the towns of Khiam and Naqoura with suicide drones, achieving precise hits. Another gathering of vehicles and soldiers in the town of Deir Seryan was subjected to intense artillery and rocket shelling in successive waves, which hindered the movements of the invading forces in the area.

The town of Taybeh witnessed additional qualitative operations, where a 'Hummer' military vehicle and a 'Namer' armored vehicle were targeted with suicide drones, resulting in partial destruction and injuries to their crews. A suicide drone also managed to destroy an Israeli army surveillance camera in the same town to blind the occupation's field monitoring.

The attacks did not stop there, but also targeted a military bulldozer that was carrying out bulldozing work in the town of Deir Seryan, in addition to artillery shelling that targeted the newly established 'Blat' military site. These simultaneous attacks confirm Hezbollah's ability to monitor and target Israeli movements despite the intensive aerial surveillance imposed by the occupation over southern skies.

Despite the ongoing truce agreement, which is supposed to end early next July, the occupation army continues systematic incursions and the destruction of residential neighborhoods. Field sources report that Israeli forces are pursuing a scorched-earth policy by demolishing buildings in dozens of border villages under the pretext of dismantling military infrastructure.

Official data indicates that the extensive Israeli aggression, which began on March 2, 2026, has left a heavy toll of victims, reaching 2969 martyrs and more than nine thousand wounded. Military operations have also caused the displacement of more than one million Lebanese from their villages and cities, amid extremely difficult humanitarian conditions.

These field developments reflect the failure of attempts to impose a new security reality on the Lebanese border through military force alone, as the resistance remains capable of inflicting losses among elite officers. With the continued fall of casualties among the occupation army, internal pressures are escalating in Tel Aviv regarding the feasibility of continuing ground operations in light of the increasing human cost.

The drones launched by Hezbollah against the invading forces have become a nightmare haunting Tel Aviv and are classified as one of the most complex security challenges.

The Jerusalem Governorate issued an urgent warning regarding the Israeli government's intention to approve, tomorrow, Sunday, a new settlement plan aimed at displacing Jerusalemite citizens from their homes and shops in the heart of the Old City. The Governorate clarified that this move directly targets the historic Bab al-Silsila neighborhood adjacent to the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, in a step aimed at the complete seizure of properties located in that sensitive area.

This decision comes in implementation of previous recommendations submitted by the former Minister of Jerusalem and Heritage, Meir Porush, before his resignation in mid-2025, where he called for seizing Palestinian properties without disclosing the identities of their owners. Under the plan, the so-called 'Jewish Quarter Development Company' will be authorized to carry out confiscation and expropriation operations, as it is the executive arm for managing settlements within the walls of the occupied city.

Official bodies in Jerusalem considered this step an unprecedented colonial escalation aimed at changing the demographic and geographic character of the Old City. They affirmed that the goal is to impose new Judaization facts in the passages leading to Al-Aqsa, gradually transforming the area into a closed space that serves settler incursions and tightens the noose on the Palestinian presence.

Media sources indicated that Israeli Army Radio confirmed the government's intention to approve these confiscations in its upcoming session, to include a series of properties extending along the Bab al-Silsila road. The occupation authorities base their current actions on old confiscation laws and decrees dating back to 1968, which were then used to seize vast areas of Jerusalemites' lands under the pretext of 'public benefit'.

Historical data indicate that the so-called 'Jewish Quarter' has witnessed a massive expansion since the occupation of the city, as its area jumped from only 5 dunams before 1948 to about 133 dunams at present. This expansion occurred through the conversion of private properties into 'state properties' and then granting them to extremist settlement associations that work to empty the city of its indigenous inhabitants.

Information available to the Jerusalem Governorate indicates that the current wave of confiscations targets between 15 and 20 Palestinian properties in the Bab al-Silsila area. The danger of this measure lies in the fact that it is not limited to the residential aspect only, but extends to threaten the architectural and cultural identity of the area, which includes archaeological buildings dating back to various Islamic eras.

Among the most prominent landmarks threatened with loss is 'Al-Tashtamariya School', which is considered one of the most important historical schools in occupied Jerusalem, dating back to the Mamluk era and including ancient educational and religious facilities. The school contains the tomb of the Mamluk Prince Tashtamar al-Ala'i and his son, in addition to a kuttab (traditional elementary school) that was dedicated to memorizing the Holy Quran, making its targeting an assault on human and Islamic heritage.

The Governorate stressed that the Bab al-Silsila neighborhood represents a vital artery for worshipers coming to Al-Aqsa Mosque, and that controlling it means complete control over entry and exit from the west. It warned that this policy falls within a larger plan to empty the immediate vicinity of Islamic holy sites of Arab presence, and transform it into barracks and settlement centers isolated from its Palestinian surroundings.

In conclusion of its statement, the Jerusalem Governorate called on the international community and UNESCO to intervene immediately to stop these violations that contravene international laws and United Nations resolutions regarding Jerusalem. It called on human rights organizations to document these crimes and take urgent action to protect historical properties from the risk of demolition or Judaization that threatens the Palestinian national memory.

This plan represents a dangerous colonial escalation targeting the heart of the Old City, opening the door to a new phase of forced displacement and tightening control over historical properties.

The editorial of the Hebrew newspaper Haaretz highlighted the categorical refusal shown by the Israeli government to allow representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross to visit thousands of Palestinian detainees. The newspaper affirmed that this intransigence comes despite Israel's signing of the Third and Fourth Geneva Conventions, which impose clear legal obligations to guarantee the rights of prisoners and detainees.

Sources explained that Tel Aviv is trying to justify this ban under the pretext of reciprocity, claiming that the Hamas movement prevented similar visits for Israeli prisoners in the Gaza Strip. However, the newspaper criticized this logic, noting that a state claiming sovereignty should not compare itself to resistance movements, especially after the file of Israeli prisoners who were previously held was closed.

In a related context, the editorial held National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir directly responsible for the severe and unprecedented deterioration in detention conditions. Reports indicated that the policies pursued by Ben-Gvir were characterized by inhumanity, leading to the transformation of detainees into ghosts and skeletons due to systematic ill-treatment.

The data received revealed shocking statistics, with more than 80 Palestinian detainees dying inside prisons as a result of direct torture or deliberate starvation and medical neglect. These figures align with the testimonies of those released, who conveyed horrifying images to the world of what happens behind closed walls, away from international scrutiny.

The newspaper touched upon what American writer Nicholas Kristof published in the New York Times, where he documented testimonies from 14 former detainees about horrific violations and sexual assaults. Despite the occupation authorities' denial of these accusations and their description as a 'blood libel,' the international repercussions of these reports caused a stir in political circles and exposed the falsity of the official narrative.

Regarding diplomatic efforts, Haaretz revealed the existence of secret negotiations between Israel and the International Committee of the Red Cross aimed at reaching a formula for limited visits. However, the newspaper described this step as 'worthless' because it excludes meeting detainees and directly examining their health and legal conditions, which reinforces the blackout strategy.

The editorial also warned of reports confirming that hundreds of Palestinian children are subjected to prolonged solitary confinement and deprived of adequate food. It considered these practices against minors to be a blatant violation of all international conventions, placing Israeli society before a moral and ethical stain that cannot be easily erased.

Sources concluded that the leaked footage and the show visits made by Ben-Gvir to prisons reflect a desire for revenge rather than the application of law. The newspaper concluded by emphasizing that the continuation of this situation threatens to turn prisons into legal black holes, necessitating real international pressure to open the doors of detention centers to independent humanitarian oversight.

A sovereign state should not compare itself to the Hamas movement, especially since Israeli prisoners were released a long time ago, and there is no longer any justification for preventing visits.

Washington – Said Arikat – 17/5/2026

News Analysis

New York City Mayor, Zohran Mamdani, sparked widespread controversy in American political and media circles after commemorating the Palestinian Nakba on Friday, May 15, 2026, by publishing an official video featuring a moving testimony from a Palestinian woman named Inaya, who spoke about her family's forced displacement from their home in 1948. The event was not just a fleeting symbolic occasion, but rather became a mirror reflecting the dramatic shifts in American public opinion towards Israel, especially after the devastating war on Gaza and the accompanying images of killing, starvation, and destruction.

In the video published by "New York City Hall" through the Mayor's official platforms, Inaya recounted how her family was forced to flee their home under the impact of war, while her father carried the heavy iron key to the front door, which later became a Palestinian symbol of displacement and the right of return. The testimony carried a deep humanitarian character, appearing far from traditional political language, which contributed to its widespread dissemination on social media, and brought back to the forefront the Palestinian narrative that had been marginalized for decades in mainstream American political discourse.

However, the video also provoked angry reactions from Jewish groups and organizations and pro-Israel politicians, who considered that the message ignored the "historical context" of the 1948 war and did not address the Arab-Israeli war that followed the partition plan for Palestine. Critics argued that commemorating the Nakba in this way within an official institution in the largest American city constitutes a political bias lacking "balance."

In contrast, human rights organizations and groups supporting Palestinians welcomed the move, considering it a significant shift in American political sentiment, where discussions about Palestinian suffering have become more prominent in political and media institutions, after being almost prohibited or confined to academic and human rights circles for decades.

This shift is no longer confined to progressive elites or universities only, but has begun to expand within the American grassroots, especially among youth, Democrats, and independent voters. Numerous opinion polls in recent months have shown an unprecedented decline in sympathy for Israel, coinciding with the escalation of bombing, famine, and mass killings in Gaza, images that have been broadcast daily and directly by international media and social media platforms.

It has become clear that the war on Gaza has created a deep rift in the traditional narrative that has long dominated American foreign policy. While Israel was presented for years as the "only democracy in the Middle East," large segments of Americans today view it as an occupying state practicing policies of apartheid and collective punishment against Palestinians, according to increasing descriptions from international human rights organizations.

The importance of the New York Mayor's step lies in breaking one of the entrenched political taboos in American public life, which is avoiding the use of the term "Nakba" within official discourse. Just a few years ago, any American official who approached the Palestinian narrative was immediately subjected to smear campaigns and immense political and media pressure. Today, the mere publication of an official Palestinian testimony by the New York Mayor reflects the extent of the cultural and political transformation taking place within American society. This change did not come as a result of abstract political theorizing, but rather due to the cumulative impact of the scenes from Gaza that have penetrated American daily consciousness in an unprecedented way.

This issue also reflects the growing division within the Democratic Party itself, where the progressive wing has become more daring in criticizing Israel, while the traditional wing continues to defend the historical alliance with it. This division was clearly evident during the student protests that swept American universities, which called for an end to the war and divestment from Israel-related investments.

In New York specifically, a city with one of the largest Jewish communities in the world, the debate has taken on special dimensions, because any discussion related to Israel and Palestine quickly turns into a sensitive political and electoral issue. Nevertheless, the rise of pro-Palestinian voices within the city reflects a change that is difficult to ignore.

One of the most prominent shifts revealed by the Gaza war is the collapse of Israel's monopoly on the narrative within the American media space. Social media has allowed Palestinians to convey their images and testimonies directly to millions of Americans without passing through the traditional filters of major media institutions. This has led to widespread human sympathy, especially among younger generations who no longer receive information exclusively from traditional television channels. This new digital environment has made it difficult for Western governments to contain or marginalize the Palestinian narrative as had been the case for many decades, and has imposed a completely different political and media reality.

Observers believe that Israel is currently facing an unprecedented image crisis at the global level, where criticism is no longer limited to its traditional adversaries, but has extended to Western allies, human rights institutions, academics, artists, and even former officials in Western governments. This has led to an increased discussion about "Israel's international isolation" in a way that was not so strongly raised before.

The striking paradox is that the unlimited military and political support provided by President Donald Trump's administration to Israel did not succeed in improving its image within American society, but perhaps contributed to deepening resentment towards it. As the number of civilian casualties in Gaza increased, the official American position appeared more detached from public sentiment, especially among young people. This contradiction has created a growing gap between traditional foreign policy and public opinion, and may have long-term electoral and strategic implications, especially if the war continues and international accusations against Israel of committing war crimes and grave violations of international law escalate.

For Palestinians and their supporters, the controversy sparked by the Nakba video in New York is an indication that the Palestinian narrative is beginning to find a wider space within American society, not only as a political issue, but also as a matter of human rights and historical justice.

The ongoing transformation in the United States does not necessarily mean a complete reversal in official policy towards Israel, as traditional influential institutions remain strong and influential within Congress, the media, and decision-making centers. However, the real change is happening at the level of popular and cultural awareness, which may gradually impose a reformulation of American political discourse in the future. When images of destruction and famine in Gaza become part of Americans' daily memory, the effectiveness of old narratives that presented Israel as a perpetual victim diminishes. From this perspective, the current crisis appears deeper than a mere fleeting political dispute, but rather a historical shift in the perception of a large segment of Americans towards Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.