The PLO and the legitimacy of national representation in the Palestinian balance!!

Since 1964, the Palestine Liberation Organization and its program have gone through several political turns and changes during the stages of the Palestinian struggle, starting from adopting armed struggle as a means of struggle to the stage of political solutions, negotiations and popular resistance, and from the liberation of historical Palestine to a Palestinian state within the borders of June 4, 1967.

Today, this organization, which was a symbol for all Palestinians, has become cracked and almost disintegrated and has become like an old man who is aging and physically exhausted, especially since there are large and influential factions in the establishment of this organization that have gone beyond the general framework of the political program’s determinants and variables, which were approved after the Oslo Accords in 1993 and what preceded it in the Declaration of Independence Conference in 1988.

For example, we find that the second largest political organization in this organization (the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) has become disengaged from the organization’s program, and is operating independently and independently of any commitment to the organization’s general framework and its limitations.

It is true that the PLO during the time of great leaders such as the late martyr Yasser Arafat, George Habash, Nayef Hawatmeh, Suleiman Najjab and Samir Ghosheh is not what it is today, and today’s leaders are not the leaders of yesterday, and they were not able to change the course of Palestinian history or record any breakthrough on the level of the national project, or achieve any accomplishment on the Palestinian level, as in the time of Yasser Arafat.

In my opinion, the PLO failed to revive and develop itself, and created a major weakness in the political system. In my opinion, President Mahmoud Abbas and the Fatah movement bear responsibility. It is true that during President Abbas’s era, the crisis in the authority worsened, especially with the rise of the extreme right in Israel to power and their evasion of the peace process, the increase in settlement and Judaization operations, and the emergence of signs of apathy and dissatisfaction with the performance of the authority in confronting Israel and in dealing with internal challenges. However, there were undoubtedly demands from within the Fatah movement and the organization, and even decisions were issued by the organization’s central and national councils, calling for correcting the course, reforming the political system, and holding elections, but to no avail. The result was a further widening of the gap between the leadership and the people, the departure or expulsion of influential figures from the Fatah movement, and the rebellion of some factions of the PLO against the leadership of the organization and its alliance with the Hamas movement.

So is it reasonable for the organization to continue, with this weakness and fragmentation, as a title for the Palestinians without making any change to it, a change that could achieve a fundamental and real breakthrough on the national and Palestinian level?!

I believe that it is time to activate the role of the Palestine Liberation Organization and renew its institutions, through a set of necessary steps and reforms that must be implemented, to ensure the restoration of its role as a legitimate and true representative of the Palestinian people, and an effective force in the political and diplomatic struggle. In my estimation, these reforms include:

First: Reforming the organizational structure of the organization

1. Reactivating the Palestinian National Council, by holding democratic elections for members of the Palestinian National Council inside and outside the country, to ensure representation of all Palestinians, and updating the composition of the Council to include all active forces.

2. Reform of the Executive Committee of the Organization

In my opinion, a new leadership must be chosen through free and fair elections, on the one hand, and there must be real representation of all political forces, not just the traditional factions, on the other hand, and the role of the Executive Committee must be activated so that it becomes the political reference, instead of the Palestinian Authority, on the third hand.

3. Restructuring the organization’s departments

The organization's various departments (such as media, foreign relations, refugees, social affairs) must be activated so that they can play their actual role and leaders who failed to manage these departments must be replaced with more efficient and experienced leaders.

Second: Unifying the national ranks and ending the division

1. Merging the Hamas and Islamic Jihad movements within the organization, and conducting a comprehensive national dialogue to agree on a joint political program that guarantees the participation of all Palestinian forces.

2. Rebuilding trust between the factions, by forming a national unity government to oversee the transitional phase until the organization’s situation is reorganized, stopping mutual media campaigns between the factions, and starting a new page of joint national work.

Third: Reforming the organization’s political program

1. Updating the political strategy, by defining a clear vision for the future of the conflict with the occupation, whether through popular resistance, diplomacy, or other tools.

And reviewing the Oslo Accords, and taking a unified position on the relationship with Israel in light of the continued occupation and settlement.

In addition, it will enhance international action to obtain broader recognition of the Palestinian state and confront Israeli pressure.

2. Strengthening popular resistance and supporting peaceful popular movement against the occupation as an effective means of struggle, and providing logistical and field support to areas facing settlement and Judaization.

Fourth: Restoring the Arab and international role

1. Rebuilding relations with Arab countries and restoring Arab support by unifying the Palestinian position and not entering into conflicting regional axes.

The necessity of activating the role of Palestinian communities abroad to support the cause at the international level.

2. Strengthening diplomatic activity at the United Nations, activating the role of the PLO missions abroad, and not being satisfied with the Palestinian Authority as a diplomatic representative.

In addition to presenting new political initiatives that embarrass Israel at the international level.

Fifth: Combating corruption and enhancing transparency

1. Monitoring the work of the organization’s financial and administrative institutions, and forming an independent oversight committee to follow up on financial spending within the organization.

Also holding accountable those responsible for corruption and mismanagement within the organization.

2. Enhancing popular participation in decisions, and involving unions and popular federations in the organization’s decisions.

And to ensure continuous communication with the Palestinians in the diaspora and to hear their demands.

Finally, it must be emphasized that the current stage requires an urgent need to activate the PLO in a serious, effective and real manner, in order to save it. This requires carrying out radical and fundamental reforms that include restructuring its institutions, unifying the factions, updating its political program, restoring its diplomatic role, and fighting corruption.

In my opinion, the success of these reforms will restore the organization's leadership role in the Palestinian cause and ensure true representation of the Palestinian people at home and abroad.