Private "elite" schools in Jerusalem... Occupational restrictions and major popular pressures

There is no doubt that the educational umbrella known as private schools, and foremost among them what I call elite schools, is the second educational umbrella in terms of the number of students enrolled in them, after the largest educational umbrella, government schools affiliated with the occupation municipality and its education ministry, which control them from A to Z, in terms of funding, salaries, buildings, teachers, administrations, activities, events, and curriculum.
 This educational umbrella, which manages private personal schools, associations, and ecclesiastical and endowment institutions, accounts for 38% of the total students in Jerusalem. Therefore, it has been targeted by the occupation government and its security and police apparatuses, especially if we know that among the 17 committees appointed by the occupation government to manage the affairs of the eastern part of the city, headed by former security officers, and regarding education, there is a five-member committee responsible for education in Jerusalem, the occupation municipality and its education department, the police, the "Shin Bet," and the Prime Minister's Office.
 Therefore, the pursuit of education in Jerusalem, with its various umbrellas, especially those affiliated with Islamic endowments and private schools, was at the top of the occupation state's priorities. It sees in their curricula, education, administrations, and teachers a danger to the occupation state, in terms of narrative, history, geography, and educational content, which they consider inciting and denying the existence of the occupation state, and not recognizing its right to exist. It also calls for "glorifying terrorism," resistance, martyrs, and prisoners.
 From here, we found that the occupation, since 2011, has sought to impose its control over private schools and intervene in the curriculum they teach (the Palestinian curriculum), using the weapons of funding and renovation. These schools resorted to taking funding from the occupation municipality. Some considered it a right for these schools, while others saw it as an entry point to control the curriculum of these schools, and that the occupation is not a charity or social affairs organization, and does not provide money for free. Therefore, this money became like a sword hanging over their heads.
 I remember that the amount spent on these private schools during that period was 30 million dollars annually, and meetings were held with the Minister of Education of the Authority and its Prime Minister at that time, to provide this amount to these schools, and to get them out of the "cocoon" of "blackmail" by the occupation municipality.
 But the Authority always promises and does not fulfill its promises, and there was great fear among the administrations of these schools that abandoning this money would deepen their crises and needs if the Authority did not fulfill its obligations towards these schools, and indeed their fear was justified.
 In this article, I do not want to delve into the continuous attack on these schools, where the threat of withdrawing licenses for these schools has become one of the titles of threat and blackmail if they implement the Palestinian curriculum in their schools.
 Many private schools in Jerusalem, which are called "elite" schools, and which are witnessing great pressure from students' parents to enroll in them, based on visions that they are the most educationally qualitative and the best in the educational environment, and the most competent administrations and teaching staff, even though the tuition fees of these schools are the highest, but parents want to invest in their children through knowledge, and therefore they do not want to teach their children in schools affiliated with the Ministry of Islamic Endowments "Palestinian Authority." Here there are many considerations that led to these schools being expelling teachers and students, and government schools, even though their tuition fees are considered symbolic compared to private school tuition fees, but there are considerations related to the quality of education, the "Israelization" of the curriculum, and prioritizing activities and projects at the expense of educational quality, and this does not negate that some of those who want to teach their children in private schools are not due to the factors I mentioned, but some consider it part of "prestige" and social status, as well as the multiplicity of options for these schools, through more than one educational system, not limited to the Palestinian Tawjihi system.
 There is no doubt that these schools suffer from a lack of buildings, as the Jerusalem municipality does not grant the necessary licenses to open new schools, outside of teaching the Israeli curriculum, but rather places many obstacles and impediments in front of these schools in obtaining licenses. Therefore, we find that the pressure on these schools may result in problems with parents, as the limited admission and great pressure and difficulty of choices create crises and open the door for some to say that these schools are open to a specific group of students.
 From this standpoint, great pressure must be exerted by the bodies supervising these schools on the Jerusalem municipality and European countries, which sell us slogans and statements, and which continue to "look" at what is known as phrases of international legitimacy and the right to education, which fell at the gates of Sheikh Jarrah, with the demolition of buildings belonging to UNRWA, and the confiscation of its land leased from the Jordanian government in 1952, in order to establish a settlement on its land, called "Ma'alot Dafna," 1410 settlement units.
 And in order to clarify matters, I believe that it is the duty of the administrations of these schools and their educational authorities to issue a statement to the public, clearly stating that they wish to accommodate all students in Jerusalem, but the objective circumstances are beyond the will of these schools, as no licenses are granted by the occupation municipality to establish new school buildings that can accommodate the increasing number of students. The school buildings have remained as they are, and therefore the margin allowed to accommodate new students is limited, as priority is given to school students who are siblings and graduates of these schools, and they do not accommodate or accept students for social, sectarian, tribal, or geographical considerations, but rather they are open to serve all residents of the city from all its social classes, regardless of religion and beliefs.
 From my point of view, trials and reactions should be based on evidence, facts, and realities, and not on hearsay, or on projecting our feelings and emotions onto our preconceived notions.
They are academic institutions that we must preserve, support, and remain a banner and a beacon for preserving our curriculum, identity, culture, and existence in our Jerusalem.