Media sources reported that the commander of the Central Command in the occupation army, Avi Bluth, officially signed a new legal amendment allowing military courts to issue death sentences against Palestinian prisoners in the occupied West Bank. This military measure aims to enhance judicial powers in prosecuting resistance activists, representing a radical and dangerous shift in the policy adopted by the occupation over the past decades towards detainees.

For his part, occupation war minister Yisrael Katz affirmed that this signing transforms the new policy into a tangible reality on the ground, indicating that he issued direct instructions to the army leadership to begin immediate implementation. Katz stressed in his statements that the goal of this step is to ensure that those he described as 'targets of Jews' do not remain in prisons under comfortable living conditions, in reference to tightening retaliatory measures against prisoners.

Legal data indicates that this military amendment came at Katz's direct request to overcome legal obstacles that prevented the application of the death penalty in the West Bank areas. It is noteworthy that the new law does not require the unanimity of judges or even a request from the public prosecution to carry out the punishment, and it is characterized by clear racial discrimination as it applies only to Palestinians, not to settlers who commit similar crimes.

In a related context, human rights reports warned of the repercussions of this decision, which could lead to an explosion of the field situation and an escalation of confrontations in various cities and villages of the West Bank. Legal circles believe that legislating killing through military courts represents a blatant violation of international conventions, especially given the presence of more than 9,500 Palestinian prisoners in occupation prisons, including hundreds of children and women who face harsh detention conditions.

Statistics from the Prisoners' Affairs Authority indicate that there are approximately 117 Palestinian prisoners to whom the criteria of this unjust law apply immediately, placing their lives under direct threat. This legal escalation comes at a time when the occupation continues its widespread aggression on the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, amidst international demands to stop systematic violations against the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people and protect prisoners from retaliatory laws.

I directly instructed the army leadership to immediately implement the death penalty law, and those who target Jews will no longer remain in comfortable conditions.

Media sources reported that the commander of the Central Command in the Israeli occupation army, Avi Bluth, has officially signed a legal amendment that allows the application of the death penalty against Palestinian prisoners in the occupied West Bank. This measure comes in line with legislation previously approved by the Israeli Knesset, which faced procedural obstacles related to the nature of military rule in the West Bank areas.

The Knesset had approved the law for the execution of prisoners on March 30th with a majority of 62 members, a step that sparked widespread human rights condemnation. The law explicitly states the possibility of imposing the death penalty on any Palestinian accused of killing an Israeli, while the legislation discriminately exempts settlers or Israelis who commit murder against Palestinians.

The latest military move came at the direct request of Defense Minister Yisrael Katz, who considered this amendment to end what he described as the 'era of containment.' Katz affirmed in his statements that the goal is to deprive prisoners of waiting for exchange deals or living in normal prison conditions, emphasizing the need to pay the 'highest price' for resistance operations.

Procedurally, the new amendment grants military courts broad powers to issue death sentences without the need for a unanimous judicial decision, as a simple majority is sufficient. The law also dropped the requirement for an official request from the public prosecution to implement the penalty, which facilitates the swift issuance of these unjust sentences against detainees.

Data from the Palestinian Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs indicates that this law may directly affect about 117 prisoners currently held in occupation prisons on charges of killing Israelis. Human rights organizations fear that this legislation may be a prelude to systematic legal liquidations targeting national symbols and Palestinian activists inside detention centers.

In a related context, more than 9,500 Palestinian prisoners are held in occupation prisons, including hundreds of children and women who suffer from tragic detention conditions. Human rights reports confirm that these prisoners are subjected to systematic torture policies and deliberate starvation, as well as medical neglect that has led to the martyrdom of dozens of them in recent months.

These dangerous legal developments come at a time when the occupation continues its genocidal war on the Gaza Strip since October 2023, which has left tens of thousands of martyrs and wounded. The escalation measures against prisoners coincide with intensive military campaigns in West Bank cities and camps, which warns of an unprecedented explosion of the situation in all occupied territories.

The era of containment is over, and those who kill Jews will not remain in prisons under comfortable conditions but will pay the highest price.

Israeli occupation aircraft carried out a new assassination operation targeting a prominent leader in the Islamic Jihad movement in the city of Baalbek, eastern Lebanon, in the early hours of Monday morning. Official sources reported that a guided missile hit a residential apartment inhabited by a Palestinian family on the southern outskirts of the city, leading to the destruction of large parts of the targeted building.

The airstrike resulted in the martyrdom of leader Wael Abdel Halim and his 17-year-old daughter, Rama, while ambulance and civil defense teams continue search operations under the rubble. This operation comes at a time when no official comment has been issued by the Islamic Jihad movement regarding the details of the assassination or the nature of the tasks Abdel Halim was performing.

This attack represents a serious breach of the ceasefire agreement that came into effect last April and was recently extended for an additional 45 days until early July. Concerns are growing about the collapse of the fragile calm amid repeated Israeli targeting of various Lebanese areas during the past twenty-four hours.

Sunday witnessed a bloody escalation, as Israeli forces killed at least nine people and wounded about 18 others in a series of field violations. Reports from the field confirm that the occupation army continues to target Palestinian and Lebanese resistance cadres despite international understandings aimed at stopping military operations.

Since the start of the extensive Israeli offensive on Lebanese territories in March 2026, the Lebanese Ministry of Health has recorded the killing of 2,988 people and the injury of more than nine thousand others. The ongoing military operations have also caused the displacement of more than one million citizens from their villages and cities, amid extremely complex humanitarian conditions in shelters.

The targeting led to the martyrdom of the leader in the Islamic Jihad movement, Wael Abdel Halim, and his young daughter, Rama, and rescue teams are still working at the scene.

Washington – Said Arikat – 18/5/2026

News Analysis

In a development that reveals profound shifts within the American military establishment, a report by the Inspector General of the Department of Defense showed that the Pentagon has not only weakened the program for reducing civilian casualties in wars but has effectively dismantled a large part of the institutional structure established after decades of international criticism of American military operations in the Middle East and Asia. The report does not merely highlight an administrative failure or bureaucratic reduction; rather, it reflects a political and strategic shift in Washington's view of war, international law, and the limits of using force.

Established in 2022 by a decision from former Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, the program was a result of immense pressure accumulated after years of American wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, and Yemen, where human rights organizations documented the deaths of tens of thousands of civilians due to airstrikes and drones. The program's goal was to create a permanent system within the Pentagon to review strikes, analyze errors, and develop mechanisms to reduce civilian deaths, thereby maintaining – at least formally – the image of the United States as a nation claiming to respect international law.

However, what the Inspector General's report revealed indicates that the Trump administration views this system as a political and military burden that restricts the freedom to use force, especially at a stage witnessing widespread American escalation against Iran and its allies in the region. The report confirms that oversight meetings have ceased, technical monitoring tools have been suspended, and the program has been emptied of its specialized personnel, to the extent that former officials described what remains of it as an “empty shell.”

The political significance of this step lies in its timing. The dismantling of the program accelerated concurrently with intensive American strikes against Iran, which drew widespread criticism due to the high number of civilian casualties, especially after a primary school in Minab city was targeted, resulting in a large number of child deaths. Here, it does not appear to be an administrative coincidence, but rather part of an American redefinition of the concept of “acceptable war,” where humanitarian restrictions become less important in the face of the priority of rapid military decisive action.

More tellingly, the Trump administration did not even try to fully conceal this trend. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth repeatedly defended American military operations with the same logic Israel uses in Gaza and Lebanon: holding the adversary fully responsible for civilian deaths under the pretext of using residential areas for military purposes. This discourse, previously seen as part of Israeli security doctrine, has now become an increasingly integral part of official American military rhetoric.

This shift reflects a deeper change in American political culture after two decades of the “War on Terror.” In the post-9/11 era, successive American administrations tried – even if formally – to maintain a balance between the use of force and respect for international law. Today, however, the Trump administration appears closer to adopting an approach based on the idea that American military superiority grants Washington the right to set the rules itself, rather than adhering to shared international rules.

Hence, the danger of the Inspector General's report lies not only in disrupting an administrative program but in being an indicator of a gradual decline in the idea of “accountability” within the American military establishment. When investigative and review bodies are weakened, military operations become less subject to scrutiny, and civilian deaths become a secondary issue that can be contained by political discourse in the media.

This transformation places the United States on an increasingly intersecting path with the Israeli experience. Israel, which has faced widespread international accusations of committing grave violations in Gaza, has for years relied on a fundamental principle: maintaining military superiority while managing political costs through controlling the media narrative and Western support. Today, it seems that Washington is gradually adopting the same logic, not only in the Middle East but as part of its broader military doctrine.

The problem is that the United States is not an ordinary state in the international system. When Washington disregards the laws of war or weakens institutions for civilian protection, it does not merely change its own behavior; it reshapes global standards. Other major powers, such as Russia and China, will find in this American behavior an additional justification for rejecting Western criticisms concerning human rights. Moreover, smaller regional states will realize that adherence to international law is no longer an actual condition for international legitimacy, as long as military power and political alliances provide protection.

Experts in international law fear that this path will accelerate the collapse of what remains of the international humanitarian law system established after World War II. International laws derive their strength not only from texts but from the commitment of major powers to them. When these powers themselves begin to treat these laws as optional, they lose their ability to compel others.

In this context, the dismantling of the civilian protection program becomes more than just an internal American issue; it is an indicator of the world's transition to a new phase where humanitarian considerations recede before the logic of raw power. This phase may witness more bloody wars in the future, more blurred lines between civilian and military, and an increasing normalization of the idea that widespread human losses are merely a “necessary price” for achieving strategic goals.

It is difficult to understand the current American shift in isolation from the increasing Israeli influence on Western security doctrine, especially after the events in Gaza and the war with Iran. For years, Israel has succeeded in imposing an equation that considers any criticism of its military conduct an infringement on its right to “self-defense,” an equation that Washington has begun to adopt almost completely. Over time, this logic transforms into a political cover that allows for the expansion of military operations and the reduction of the importance of civilian casualties, thereby creating an international environment where power, not law, becomes the primary source of legitimacy.

The most dangerous aspect of these policies is that they not only weaken the moral image of the United States but also undermine its long-term strategic capability. Wars with high numbers of civilian casualties often generate new waves of anger, extremism, and instability. In other words, ignoring civilian protection may achieve short-term tactical military gains, but it simultaneously sows the seeds of more complex future conflicts. This has been proven by America's own experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan, where widespread violations contributed to fueling armed movements instead of eliminating them.

If the United States continues in this direction, the world may witness an unprecedented decline in the effectiveness of international humanitarian law in the coming years. States do not adhere to international laws solely out of moral imperative, but because they see that major powers are also committed to them. However, when Washington itself becomes a model for circumventing these rules, the message that reaches the world is clear: any state with sufficient power can act without real accountability. This is a dangerous precedent that could return international relations to the logic of raw power that prevailed before the establishment of the United Nations and modern Geneva Conventions.

Palestinian medical sources reported on Saturday evening that the death toll from the ongoing Israeli aggression on the Gaza Strip has risen to 11 martyrs and over 60 injured. The sources explained that this toll resulted from a series of violent aerial raids and artillery shelling that targeted various neighborhoods in Gaza City and northern areas since Friday evening.

The sources stated that civil defense and ambulance crews were able to recover the bodies of the martyrs and transport the wounded, including a number of children and women, to Al-Ahli and Kamal Adwan hospitals. These field operations come amid a severe deterioration in the health system, which has become unable to provide adequate services due to the tight siege and the depletion of fuel and medicine supplies.

These bloody field developments coincide with escalating warnings from international organizations regarding the humanitarian catastrophe afflicting the residents of the Strip. This escalation comes at a time when the region is witnessing increasing field tensions, amid continued violations and military operations targeting civilians and infrastructure in various governorates of Gaza.

Medical facilities are suffering catastrophic health conditions as a result of the ongoing siege and the shortage of basic supplies and fuel.

Obour City in Qalyubia Governorate, Egypt, witnessed an unusual field appearance of Thunderbolt forces, as three companies conducted 'cross-country' training in military sportswear amidst residential neighborhoods. This scene sparked widespread interaction across social media platforms, given that the forces deviated from traditional training in desert areas or closed military bases.

This military movement coincided with the anniversary of the declaration of the establishment of the occupying state on May 14th, which gave a clear political character to the military sports event. Observers considered that the specific choice of 'Obour' City carries historical symbolism related to the October 1973 victories and the breaching of the Bar Lev Line.

During their march, Thunderbolt personnel chanted enthusiastic slogans directly targeting the Israeli occupation, describing it as a 'scarecrow' and emphasizing the superiority of the Egyptian soldier. These chants, which had been absent from official discourse for many years, returned to the forefront of the Egyptian media scene amidst celebration from media figures close to decision-making circles.

Media sources reported that this training represents a clear deterrent message to any external parties attempting to test the combat readiness of the Egyptian state under current circumstances. Analysts indicated that allowing the filming and dissemination of these movements aims to reassure the Egyptian public about the capabilities of the armed forces in confronting regional challenges.

This appearance comes about two weeks after the conclusion of the 'Badr 2026' maneuvers conducted by the Egyptian army in the Sinai Peninsula and near the borders with occupied Palestine. These maneuvers, which used live ammunition, caused a state of concern and anticipation within security and political circles in Tel Aviv.

Hebrew reports monitored increasing fears among settlers in the Gaza envelope and border areas of the possibility of a recurrence of surprise offensive scenarios similar to 'Al-Aqsa Flood'. These fears were reflected in statements by Knesset members who called for the necessity of monitoring intensive Egyptian military movements in the border area.

On the legal front, observers pointed out that not preventing citizens from filming forces in the streets is unusual, as Law No. 292 of 1956 prohibits photographing military personnel. This security oversight was interpreted as a desire to turn the training into propaganda material reaching the widest possible local and international audience.

In contrast, data analysis researchers believe that the Egyptian regime seeks through these scenes to create a 'trend' that enhances its popularity amidst economic and geopolitical crises. They considered that focusing on military propaganda sometimes aims to divert attention from thorny issues such as water security and the forced displacement of Palestinians.

Some analyses linked the show of force in Cairo to recent developments in Sinai, especially with the noticeable re-emergence of movements by armed tribal militias. Proponents of this view believe that the army wanted to assert its absolute control and field influence in the face of any parallel entities that might appear in the security landscape.

Public debate also touched upon the nature of modern warfare, with academics questioning whether the physical readiness of individuals is still the decisive criterion in the age of drones and technology. They pointed out that military superiority is now measured by advanced intelligence and technical capabilities rather than reliance on human numbers in the streets.

Egypt's army ranking recorded a decline in the 'Global Firepower' index for 2025, where it ranked 19th globally after being in ninth place a few years ago. This decline prompted some to call for focusing efforts on technical modernization to keep pace with rising regional powers such as Turkey, Iran, and the occupation.

The event coincided with official announcements about the presence of an Egyptian fighter jet detachment in the UAE, which sparked controversy about the nature of the Egyptian army's foreign missions. Some considered that the Thunderbolt's chants against Israel in Cairo aim to restore the army's mental image as a protector of Arab national security in the face of the occupation.

Field sources confirmed that the training included specialized companies in urban warfare and counter-terrorism, indicating the diversity of training objectives behind this appearance. It seems that the military leadership chose a sensitive timing to send multi-directional messages, starting from within Egypt and reaching the core decision-making centers in Tel Aviv.

The scene of Thunderbolt soldiers roaming the streets of Obour City remains a significant mark in the nature of communication between the military establishment and the public in the current phase. While some see it as national pride, others see it as a propaganda attempt, but what is certain is that the message reached its destination across the borders, where the occupation monitors every Egyptian movement with caution.

Israel is a scarecrow... Israel is under the boot; chants echoed by Egyptian Thunderbolt soldiers in the heart of Obour City.

The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates expressed its strong condemnation of the Israeli government's approval of a new colonial plan aimed at seizing a group of Palestinian properties in the Old City of occupied Jerusalem. The Ministry affirmed in an official statement that this decision directly targets the Bab Al-Silsila neighborhood, which is adjacent to the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, posing a serious threat to the Arab and Islamic identity of the area.

The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs described these moves as falling within the systematic 'ethnic cleansing' policy practiced by the occupation authorities to displace Palestinian citizens from the heart of the Holy City. It indicated that the step aims to enhance full settlement control over the vicinity of Al-Aqsa Mosque and forcibly change the existing legal and historical reality in the Old City.

For its part, the Jerusalem Governorate revealed in a separate statement that the Israeli plan stipulates the confiscation of between 15 and 20 Palestinian properties, including residential buildings and ancient Islamic endowments. The Governorate clarified that these properties represent great historical value, as their construction dates back to the Ayyubid, Mamluk, and Ottoman eras, making their targeting a crime against human heritage.

According to official sources, this plan is based on previous recommendations submitted by the resigned Israeli Minister of Jerusalem and Heritage, Meir Porush, in addition to activating an old government decision dating back to 1968. The occupation justifies these confiscations by the necessities of 'strengthening Jewish control and security,' arguments aimed at justifying settlement expansion at the expense of private property.

The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stressed that targeting the Bab Al-Silsila neighborhood carries extremely serious dimensions, as it is considered one of the most important historical and vital passages leading to the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque. It considered that emptying this neighborhood of its original inhabitants aims to isolate the blessed mosque and impose new Judaization facts that serve the settlement project in Jerusalem.

The Ministry also pointed out that reviving confiscation decisions dating back decades clearly reveals the occupation's intentions to expand the so-called 'Jewish Quarter' in the Old City. It affirmed that these Judaization projects are being carried out gradually and deliberately to complete the settlement encirclement around Islamic and Christian holy sites and ensure the demographic superiority of the settlers.

As part of diplomatic action, the State of Palestine called on the international community, the United Nations, and UNESCO to uphold their legal and moral responsibilities towards the city of Jerusalem. It called for an unequivocal rejection of all Israeli measures, stressing that the occupation has no legal sovereignty over the Holy City under international resolutions.

The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs urged all countries to intervene urgently to provide international protection for the holy sites and impose deterrent sanctions on the occupation government to stop its policies of theft and seizure. It affirmed that international silence encourages Israel to continue destroying the civilizational and cultural heritage of the Palestinian people in occupied Jerusalem.

This escalation comes at a time when East Jerusalem neighborhoods, such as Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan, are witnessing a fierce campaign by settlement associations to seize citizens' homes. These associations, with the support of the Israeli judiciary, use eviction orders and old property claims as tools to carry out forced displacement operations against Palestinian families.

The Ministry concluded its statement by emphasizing the steadfastness of the Palestinian people in Jerusalem and their adherence to their historical and legitimate rights to their land and properties despite all attempts at Judaization. It called on the Arab and Islamic nations to take immediate action to support the steadfastness of Jerusalemites in the face of these plans aimed at liquidating the Palestinian presence in the city.

This decision represents a direct assault on the civilizational and historical heritage of the Palestinian people and the Islamic world in occupied Jerusalem.

Despite the conclusion of the 'Eurovision' Song Contest 2026, the echoes of cultural and artistic rejection of the Israeli occupation delegation's participation continue to dominate the international scene. Hebrew media reports observed an unprecedented state of tension behind the scenes of the competition in the Austrian capital, Vienna, where the stage transformed into a platform for expressing political stances against the aggression on the Gaza Strip.

Journalistic sources reported that the final rehearsals witnessed a sharp escalation in statements against the Israeli delegation, with representatives of major countries such as Sweden and Finland leading media campaigns demanding the exclusion of the occupation. While the European Broadcasting Union attempted to impose strict rules of neutrality, political and humanitarian pressures notably transcended the organizational frameworks of the competition.

Swedish singer Felicia Eriksson, 24, spearheaded the voices rejecting the occupation's presence in the competition, describing its participation as illegitimate. Eriksson affirmed in public statements after her victory in the Swedish qualifiers that the ongoing 'killings' make it difficult to focus on music amidst the great human suffering.

The Swedish artist stressed that she would not back down from her stance or apologize for it despite intense pressure from music production companies to remain silent. She clearly stated that it is her right to express her moral viewpoint, noting that she sought to ensure that the occupation delegation would not achieve any moral victory in this edition of the competition.

For his part, competition director Martin Green tried to contain the situation by asking national broadcasters to remind artists of the necessity of neutrality and not to attack participating countries. However, the reactions of the European public, especially in Sweden, varied between supporting the courageous stances of the artists and opposing the intrusion of politics into art, creating a sharp division in artistic circles.

In the same context, the Finnish duo Linda Lampenius and Peeta Parkkonen stood out, directing sharp messages against the occupation's participation despite their great musical success. The duo affirmed in a joint statement that their competition to represent Finland comes in the name of 'music and humanity,' considering that allowing Israel to be present at this event is a completely wrong decision.

The Finnish artists added that what is happening in Palestine is an inhumane act and condemned by all standards, which gave their artistic performance a clear political character. These statements caused a wide uproar among fans and followers, leading to a decline in interest in Israeli singer Naom Patin, who had previously topped the nominations.

Protests were not limited to individual statements but extended to sovereign decisions, as five countries announced their complete boycott of the competition this year in protest of the occupation's policies. These countries refused to send any representatives, a move observers considered the biggest geopolitical drama the competition has witnessed in decades, putting the organizers in an embarrassing position.

Artistic sources indicated that international boycott organizations targeted a large number of participating artists to pressure them to take clear stances on the war on Gaza. Many of these artists responded to these calls, making the backstage of Vienna an arena for confrontation between humanitarian principles and the organizational rules that the Broadcasting Union tries to impose.

Ultimately, this edition of 'Eurovision' showed that art cannot be separated from political and moral reality, especially when it comes to crimes against humanity. Despite the occupation's attempts to use the competition to improve its international image, the widespread popular and artistic rejection confirmed the isolation of the Israeli narrative in young European cultural circles.

What is happening in Palestine is an inhumane and condemned act, and the decision to allow Israel to participate in the competition is completely wrong.

The Lebanese Ministry of Health announced the martyrdom of five people, including two children, and the injury of about 15 others in an initial toll of a series of air raids launched by Israeli occupation aircraft on various areas in southern Lebanon on Sunday. These aggressions come amid the fragility of the recently extended ceasefire agreement, raising the level of field tension to record levels.

Medical sources explained that the town of Tayr Falsay, affiliated with the Tyre district, witnessed the death of three martyrs, including a child, in addition to the injury of eight citizens with varying injuries. The raids also targeted the town of Tayr Debba, resulting in the martyrdom of two people, including a child, and the injury of a woman and two others, in a scene that reflects a direct targeting of populated areas.

The aggressions did not stop at the Tyre district but extended to include the town of Zrarieh in the Sidon district and the town of Jibshit in the Nabatieh district, where reports indicated injuries among civilians. These data confirm the occupation's continued violation of international understandings that were supposed to guarantee a de-escalation of military operations until early next July.

For its part, Hezbollah announced the implementation of ten qualitative military operations targeting sites and gatherings of the Israeli occupation army along the southern border. The resistance used suicide drones, artillery shells, and guided missiles in its attacks, stressing that these operations come within the framework of a legitimate response to repeated Israeli violations.

In the details of the field operations, Hezbollah fighters targeted gatherings of occupation soldiers in the towns of Rashaf, Naqoura, Bayada, and Deir Syriane, achieving direct hits. Resistance statements indicated that the attacks focused on the movements of military vehicles attempting to position themselves at advanced points within Lebanese territory.

For its part, the Israeli occupation army admitted that five of its soldiers were injured as a result of an explosive device explosion that targeted their force in one of the areas of southern Lebanon. This admission coincided with field reports confirming the detonation of an explosive device by an Israeli force that tried to advance towards the Safita area in the vicinity of the town of Yahmar al-Shaqif.

The response operations also included the destruction of an Israeli military vehicle and the targeting of a bulldozer in the town of Bayada using drones, which led to it catching fire completely. The shelling also targeted an artillery position in the town of Adayssa and technical jamming devices in the town of Rashaf, in an attempt to disrupt the occupation's monitoring capabilities.

Official statistics issued by Lebanese authorities indicate that the widespread aggression that began in March 2026 has so far resulted in 2988 martyrs and more than nine thousand wounded. Continuous military operations have caused the displacement of more than one million people from their villages and towns, creating a worsening humanitarian crisis in shelters.

Observers believe that the recent escalation puts the ceasefire agreement at stake, especially after the decision to extend it for an additional 45 days last Friday. Field sources insist that the occupation seeks to impose a new reality on the ground through intensive air raids, which the resistance is countering with precise attrition operations.

Amid this complex scene, Lebanese ambulance and civil defense teams continue to remove rubble and search for missing persons in the targeted sites. International fears are growing of the situation sliding into a comprehensive confrontation that goes beyond the current border clashes, in the absence of real guarantees that oblige the occupation to stop its aggressions.

Our operations came in defense of Lebanon and its people, and in response to the Israeli enemy's violation of the ceasefire and its continuous aggressions.

US President Donald Trump issued a stern warning to the Iranian leadership, emphasizing that the deadline for Tehran to make decisive decisions is rapidly running out. Trump clarified via his 'Truth Social' platform that failure to act quickly would expose the country to catastrophic consequences that could lead to the demise of everything it possesses, stressing that time has become the primary driver of upcoming American actions.

In contrast, Iranian media sources revealed that recent American responses did not include any tangible concessions that could be built upon in the diplomatic track. The 'Mehr' agency indicated that Washington insists on imposing strict and long-term restrictions on the nuclear sector, linking any comprehensive de-escalation on various fronts to the start of direct negotiations that meet American conditions.

Regarding field coordination, informed sources reported that President Trump held a phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to discuss developments related to the Iranian file. This communication comes within the framework of coordinating positions between the two allies, amidst indications of a consensus on the need for firmness in dealing with Tehran's nuclear and regional threats.

The White House is expected to host a high-level meeting in the Situation Room next Tuesday, where Trump will meet with the national security team to discuss military action options in detail. These deliberations aim to finalize potential intervention scenarios should the current political stalemate persist and diplomatic efforts fail.

Media sources in Washington reported that leaks from within the US administration, including the Department of Defense and the White House, indicate the approaching zero hour for a military decision. These sources confirmed that the US President is increasingly leaning towards activating the tough option to end the long-standing stalemate in the Iranian file.

Arab diplomats quoted intelligence reports stating that military action could begin in the coming days, perhaps as early as this week. The reports indicated that Trump has already reviewed a draft of integrated military options prepared by the Department of Defense, which include specific strategic targets deep within Iran to ensure the crippling of its offensive capabilities.

Scenarios on the decision-making table include intensive aerial bombardment targeting energy infrastructure and vital military facilities in various Iranian provinces. The option of using ground commandos in specialized operations aimed at directly controlling enriched uranium stockpiles is also prominent, to prevent Tehran from reaching the nuclear threshold.

In addition, military circles in Washington are considering the possibility of moving towards Iran's southern coasts and controlling the Strait of Hormuz and some strategic islands. These plans are part of an old strategy that has been updated to suit current data, with the aim of securing international shipping lanes and cutting off Iranian maritime supply lines.

For their part, senior military officials at the Pentagon, including the Secretary of Defense and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, affirmed the US military's full readiness to execute any orders issued by the Commander-in-Chief. Officials explained in parliamentary hearings that US forces are on high alert, while maintaining sufficient flexibility to return to a de-escalation path if a sudden political breakthrough occurs.

US Central Command estimates indicate that previous operations succeeded in destroying about 90% of Iran's capabilities in drones, ballistic missiles, and naval power. The US administration believes that the remaining Iranian capabilities do not pose an existential threat, which enhances the chances of success of any swift military action aimed at completing the mission and dismantling the remainder of Tehran's arsenal.

Despite the military readiness, which includes over 65,000 troops and two aircraft carriers in the region, there is a degree of hesitation within the White House. These concerns stem from Trump's fear of the human and political costs of any widespread conflict, especially in the absence of major diplomatic achievements in other international files such as the relationship with China.

Time is running out for Iran, and they must act quickly, or nothing will remain for them. Time is a critical factor!

By: Said Arikat

May 18, 2026

News analysis

Washington, D.C- For decades, support for Israel functioned in Washington as a near-sacred article of faith. Democrats and Republicans competed to demonstrate unwavering loyalty to the Israeli state, while lobby organizations such as American Israel Public Affairs Committee operated with extraordinary confidence, shaping congressional discourse through campaign money, donor pressure, and political intimidation.

Today, however, the political atmosphere surrounding Israel is undergoing a historic transformation — and the panic now visible among pro-Israeli lobbyists reveals just how serious that shift has become.

The staggering sums being poured into Kentucky’s Republican primary on Tuesday, May 19, 2026, against Representative Thomas Massie are not merely about one congressional seat. They are a desperate attempt to halt a widening erosion of unquestioned American support for Israel across the political spectrum.

More than $32 million has reportedly been spent in the race, making it the most expensive House primary in American history. Much of that money originates from pro-Israel political organizations and billionaire donors determined to destroy Massie politically because he dared to question Israeli policy, military aid, and the growing influence of the Israel lobby over American foreign policy.

That reality alone tells a larger story: Israel’s defenders no longer feel secure.

For years, organizations aligned with Israel relied on an atmosphere of fear inside Washington. Politicians who criticized Israeli policy risked donor retaliation, media smears, or accusations of antisemitism. The strategy worked remarkably well, especially after the September 11 attacks, when support for Israel became deeply fused with America’s “war on terror” consensus.

But the wars in Gaza — particularly the catastrophic destruction unleashed after October 2023 — changed something fundamental inside the American public consciousness.

Millions of Americans watched entire neighborhoods flattened, hospitals bombed, journalists killed, and starving civilians trapped under siege conditions. Social media shattered the monopoly once held by establishment media narratives. Younger Americans, especially, no longer receive the conflict through the traditional lens of Israeli victimhood alone. They increasingly see Palestinians as human beings living under occupation, blockade, and systematic dispossession.

This generational shift is now visible not only among progressive Democrats, but increasingly among conservatives and libertarians on the American right.

That is why the campaign against Massie matters so profoundly.

Massie is not a left-wing anti-Zionist. He is a libertarian conservative who opposes foreign intervention broadly. He has repeatedly stated that he opposes all foreign aid, not merely aid to Israel. Yet even this limited dissent appears intolerable to pro-Israel organizations.

Why?

Because the danger for the lobby is not Massie himself. The danger is normalization.

If a Republican congressman can openly question military aid to Israel and survive politically, others may follow. If criticizing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu no longer ends political careers, the taboo collapses. Once fear disappears, the lobby’s power weakens dramatically.

The scale of the response against Massie therefore resembles political containment.

Organizations linked to AIPAC, the Republican Jewish Coalition, and major pro-Israel megadonors have flooded Kentucky with advertising portraying Massie as dangerous, disloyal, and outside the Republican mainstream. President Donald Trump himself joined the effort by endorsing Massie’s challenger, demonstrating how closely establishment Republican politics still aligns with pro-Israel interests.

Yet beneath the surface, cracks are spreading.

The most remarkable aspect of this episode is not that Israel’s defenders are spending enormous sums of money. It is that they feel compelled to do so in a deeply conservative district that should once have been politically automatic terrain for them.

Even more revealing is the language now emerging from within the American right itself.

Figures associated with “America First” politics — including commentators such as Tucker Carlson — increasingly frame support for Israel as contradictory to nationalist priorities at home. Many conservative voters now ask why billions of American taxpayer dollars continue flowing abroad while economic insecurity, debt, and social crises deepen domestically.

This does not necessarily reflect hostility toward Jewish Americans. Rather, it reflects growing exhaustion with endless foreign entanglements and a rising belief that Israeli interests have exercised disproportionate influence over American policymaking.

The Israel lobby understands the danger perfectly.

For decades, its greatest strength lay in bipartisanship. Israel was protected simultaneously by liberal interventionists, evangelical conservatives, neoconservatives, and establishment centrists. But now that coalition is fraying from both directions.

Among Democrats, younger voters increasingly view Israel through the framework of settler colonialism, apartheid, and human rights abuses. Polling repeatedly shows collapsing sympathy for Israel among voters under 35. Progressive lawmakers who once feared criticizing Israel now openly accuse it of war crimes.

Meanwhile, on the Republican side, populist conservatives increasingly resent foreign aid packages, military interventions, and what they perceive as ideological policing surrounding Israel.

This dual-front erosion explains the extraordinary aggressiveness now displayed by pro-Israel groups.

The lobby is not operating from confidence. It is operating from anxiety.

The repeated invocation of antisemitism against critics of Israeli policy has also begun losing effectiveness among many Americans. While genuine antisemitism remains a serious and dangerous problem, voters increasingly distinguish between hatred of Jews and criticism of Israeli state actions.

Indeed, the overuse of antisemitism accusations for political purposes may itself be backfiring. Many Americans now perceive such accusations as tools deployed selectively to silence debate rather than defend vulnerable communities.

This does not mean Israel is about to lose American support entirely. Far from it. The institutional architecture backing Israel inside Washington remains enormous: lobbying networks, donor alliances, think tanks, media relationships, evangelical activism, and military partnerships still provide Israel with tremendous influence.

But political hegemony rarely collapses overnight. It erodes gradually — then suddenly.

The Massie race represents one moment in that erosion.

Whether Massie ultimately wins or loses in Tuesday’s May 19 primary may matter less historically than the fact that such a rebellion is now politically conceivable within the Republican Party itself. A decade ago, a Republican openly questioning Israeli policy while surviving nationally would have been almost unimaginable.

Today, it is becoming increasingly normal.

That is precisely why pro-Israeli organizations appear so alarmed.

They understand that American public opinion is changing faster than Washington’s political class. They understand that younger Americans consume information differently, distrust establishment narratives more deeply, and increasingly reject unconditional foreign alliances. And they understand that Israel’s devastating conduct in Gaza has accelerated those trends dramatically.

The enormous money now flooding into American elections on Israel’s behalf may therefore signal not enduring dominance, but mounting insecurity.

Political machines spend most aggressively when they fear losing control.

The occupied West Bank has recently been facing rapid and dangerous transformations in its demographic and geographical structure, as a result of the escalating pace of settlement expansion and systematic settler attacks. Human rights activists and Palestinians describe this reality as 'hidden displacement' carried out through coercive tools that gradually push residents to leave their lands without the need for direct military evacuation orders every time.

These tools vary between the expansion of random settlement outposts and the tightening of military restrictions on major cities and villages, which undermines the stability of Palestinian communities. Sources have reported that travel between cities, such as the journey between Ramallah and Nablus, now takes many hours due to military checkpoints and the closure of vital roads to citizens.

The system of administrative and military measures, including the refusal of building permits and the demolition of structures, forms a fundamental pillar in entrenching this new reality. In the Masafer Yatta areas south of Hebron, the occupation authorities prevent Palestinians from developing their communities under flimsy security pretexts related to military training, threatening hundreds of families with homelessness.

As for occupied Jerusalem, the Al-Bustan neighborhood in Silwan is subjected to a fierce attack aimed at changing its urban identity, where more than 57 homes have been demolished in the past two years. Field data indicates that at least eight additional homes face the imminent threat of demolition in the coming weeks, amidst a state of overwhelming public concern.

The occupation authorities seek to establish the so-called 'King's Garden' project at the site of the Al-Bustan neighborhood, which is a tourist park with a biblical religious character. This project aims to link the area to Israeli historical narratives, threatening to dismantle the social and demographic fabric of the town of Silwan adjacent to the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque.

In parallel with official policies, settler attacks are escalating, including burning agricultural crops, destroying private property, and attacking peaceful villages. These attacks are no longer isolated incidents, but have become a recurring pattern aimed at exerting constant pressure on Palestinian residents to force them to leave areas near settlements.

Illegal settlement outposts receive widespread political and financial support from the Israeli government, starting as small points on hilltops and then transforming into permanent communities. This expansion extends to controlling pastures and water sources, reducing the areas available to Palestinians and depriving them of their basic livelihoods.

For his part, international law expert Anis Qassem affirmed that the displacement practices in the West Bank and Gaza fall within the framework of genocide crimes according to international classifications. Qassem explained that these violations aim to tear apart the Palestinian social fabric and produce a reality characterized by systematic impoverishment and deprivation of the Palestinian individual.

Qassem warned that any Israeli move to annex the West Bank or the Jordan Valley represents a clear violation of international agreements, especially those prohibiting the forced transfer of populations. He pointed out that these policies could lead to pushing Palestinians towards forced migration towards Jordan, a scenario that requires high political and security vigilance to confront.

In the same context, the United Nations Human Rights Office warned of the growing 'coercive environment' that leads to the displacement of thousands of Palestinians annually as a result of home demolitions and settler violence. UN reports confirmed that tens of thousands have been forced to leave their camps and villages due to ongoing military operations and increasing security pressure in various governorates.

The United Nations stresses that evictions in East Jerusalem may amount to 'forced transfer,' which is classified as a war crime under international law. It also warned that the continuation of these systematic policies leads to the dismantling of Palestinian society and the creation of a demographic reality that will be difficult to reverse in the near future.

The Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission documented more than 443 attacks carried out by settlers in March alone, reflecting the scale of the escalation on the ground. These attacks led to the martyrdom of nine citizens and the complete displacement of six Bedouin communities, in the complete absence of legal accountability for the perpetrators of these crimes.

International human rights organizations indicate that the impunity of settlers reinforces the feeling of lack of protection among Palestinians, putting local communities before difficult choices. This constant pressure forces some families to leave their lands to avoid escalation and protect the lives of their children from armed settler attacks.

What is happening in the West Bank today is not merely transient security measures, but a comprehensive strategy to reshape the land and its people to serve the settlement project. Palestinian steadfastness in the face of this 'coercive environment' remains the only obstacle to the completion of silent displacement plans targeting the Palestinian presence in their land.

The displacement operations to which Palestinians are subjected fall within the framework of genocide crimes and reflect a deliberate intention to harm Palestinian society.

The Ministry of Health in the Gaza Strip announced the martyrdom of five Palestinians due to a series of Israeli targeting operations that hit various areas of the Strip in recent hours. The most violent of these attacks were concentrated in the city of Deir al-Balah, where an airstrike targeted the vicinity of Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital, resulting in severe injuries and immediate martyrdoms.

Medical sources confirmed the arrival of three martyrs and a number of injured to the hospital as a result of the shelling that hit the vital area surrounding the only functioning medical facility in the central region. These raids come amid immense pressure faced by medical staff who are trying to deal with the influx of injuries with primitive and very limited means.

Field sources reported that announcements of martyrdoms are made gradually due to the severity of injuries arriving at operating rooms, where many lose their lives due to a lack of resources. This gradual announcement of victims reflects the fragility of the current health situation and the inability of doctors to save the injured who suffer from complex injuries.

The health system in Gaza is facing a state of complete collapse, with more than 40 hospitals and health centers out of service, either completely or partially, due to direct shelling or running out of fuel. Official reports speak of a severe shortage of essential medical equipment and life-saving medicines, turning hospitals into mere pain relief centers.

The Ministry of Health indicated that the occupation continues to prevent the entry of necessary medical supplies, which has caused the death of many injured who could have been saved under normal circumstances. This imposed medical blockade exacerbates the number of victims daily and makes providing healthcare an almost impossible task amidst widespread destruction.

On another note, the Gaza Strip faces an unprecedented environmental catastrophe that threatens the lives of residents for many years to come due to the systematic destruction of infrastructure. Piles of rubble and solid waste are spread in streets crowded with displaced people, turning residential areas into open hotbeds of pollution, diseases, and epidemics.

Farmer Youssef Shaldan described what happened to agricultural lands in the Strip as an environmental disaster, confirming that the occupation deliberately changed the features of the area completely and bulldozed fertile soil. He explained that areas that used to provide food for the population have turned into barren lands or sites for displaced people's tents lacking the most basic sanitation.

In the same context, environmental specialist Mohammed Al-Ashi warned of a severe deterioration affecting all environmental elements, including water, soil, and air, in various areas of the Strip. Al-Ashi stressed that the pollution of sewage water and its mixing with groundwater sources represents a ticking time bomb whose health effects will explode in the short and long term.

Recent human rights reports indicate that the extent of environmental destruction in Gaza has eliminated any immediate hope of recovery, as sewage networks and treatment plants have been completely destroyed. This reality forces residents to live amidst floods of wastewater that fill alleys and cause the spread of dangerous skin and respiratory diseases.

For his part, Anas Al-Jarjawi, Operations Officer at the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, affirmed that what Israel is doing in Gaza falls under the term 'ecocide'. Al-Jarjawi explained that the destruction of water sources and agricultural lands is a deliberate act aimed at making Gaza uninhabitable for humans.

The human rights monitor stressed that this strategy is at the heart of the genocide plan, where the environment is used as a weapon to impose living conditions that lead to actual annihilation. Targeting basic means of survival reflects a desire to eliminate the Palestinian presence by destroying the pillars upon which daily life depends.

The environmental catastrophe has become a tangible reality haunting Gazans in every detail of their lives, as they are forced to breathe air polluted with rubble dust and chemicals resulting from explosives. The absence of solutions for disposing of tons of accumulated waste further complicates the tragic humanitarian scene experienced by more than two million people.

Reports concluded that the war of annihilation did not stop at targeting lives but extended to the land, water, and everything related to the natural environment in Gaza. This widespread destruction requires urgent international intervention to stop the humanitarian and environmental bleeding and to restore what can be saved before it is too late and the future of future generations is lost.

Israel committed ecocide in the Gaza Strip by destroying agricultural lands and water sources to impose impossible living conditions.

Seventy-eight years have passed since the establishment of what is known as the occupying state, decades during which the Zionist movement adopted a strategy of genocide and forced displacement to impose a replacement Judaization reality. This entity based its existence on committing systematic massacres to expel the vast majority of Palestinians from their historical homes and seize their resources.

Historical records indicate that Zionist gangs committed no less than 44 massacres in 1948 alone, with absolute support from the British Mandate authorities. This complicity led to the uprooting of about 850,000 Palestinians from their land before mid-May of that year, as part of a carefully planned ethnic cleansing scheme.

In contrast, the Zionist machine worked to attract hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers to replace the indigenous people, with the occupation controlling 78% of historical Palestine. The properties of refugees and the natural resources of the homeland have since become essential production elements to strengthen the occupation's economic structure and military power.

The war of ethnic cleansing effectively began in November 1947, following the issuance of the UN partition resolution, and continued fiercely until the end of the British Mandate. Although Jews controlled less than 6% of the land when Britain left, military and logistical support enabled them to expand rapidly.

Historical sources revealed that Zionist gangs managed to purchase massive military equipment from the withdrawing British army, including warplanes, in deals worth millions of pounds. These capabilities created a huge gap in the balance of power between the Palestinian revolutionaries, who possessed simple weapons, and the organized Zionist forces.

By early 1948, the Jewish Agency was managing the affairs of the militarily and administratively occupied areas through the 'Haganah' army and the 'Palmach' commando units. These forces numbered about 45,000 heavily armed fighters, facing a few thousand Arab volunteers and local revolutionaries who lacked modern equipment.

The policies of Judaization did not stop at geographical boundaries but extended to include the 'Judaization of time and place' by attracting Jews from around the world and changing the cultural landmarks of Palestine. Recent data for 2026 show that the number of Jewish settlers in occupied Palestine has reached 7.2 million, distributed between Western and Eastern origins.

On the other hand, the tragedy of Palestinian refuge has swelled to include today more than seven million refugees living in the diaspora and camps. These represent the descendants of the generation displaced in the first Nakba, who then constituted more than 60% of the total Palestinian population, which numbered 1.4 million at the time.

Palestinian refugees after the 1948 Nakba were primarily distributed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, while large numbers were forced to flee to neighboring countries such as Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. Difficult economic and political conditions also pushed many to migrate to Europe, the Americas, and the Arab Gulf states in search of a dignified life.

The scene of displacement was repeated again in 1967 when the occupation army expelled about 460,000 Palestinians after occupying the rest of the Palestinian land. These new 'displaced persons' joined the refugee convoys, bringing their total number currently to over two million, in addition to millions of previous refugees.

Despite nearly eight decades since the Nakba, half of the Palestinian people remain steadfast within the borders of historical Palestine, defying all policies of demographic displacement. Statistics indicate that 50% of Palestinians live internally, while the other half are distributed in nearby and distant exiles around the world.

The numbers confirm that about 80% of the total Palestinian people still reside in Palestine or in the surrounding Arab countries, which foils the occupation's bet on oblivion. This steadfastness comes despite the heavy price of sacrifices, which included the martyrdom of hundreds of thousands and the imprisonment of over one and a half million Palestinians.

Palestinian prisoners in occupation jails have suffered the most horrific forms of torture, starvation, and deliberate medical neglect, leading to the martyrdom of hundreds of them behind bars. This ongoing suffering has only increased the Palestinian people's determination to cling to their legitimate and inalienable national rights.

The eyes of Palestinians remain fixed on their only homeland, despite the long path of suffering that began in 1948 and whose chapters have not yet ended. The policies of killing and displacement pursued by the 'state of extermination' have not succeeded in breaking the will of return but have deepened the connection to the land and identity in the conscience of successive generations.

Until May 15, 1948, for every Palestinian or Arab fighter with his simple weapon, there were six Zionists equipped with all modern land and air weapons.

French football legend Eric Cantona expressed his great admiration for the stance taken by rising Spanish star Lamine Yamal, after the latter raised the Palestinian flag during Barcelona's La Liga title celebrations. Cantona confirmed, in statements made to international media during his participation in the Cannes Film Festival, that Yamal is not only distinguished by his exceptional football skills, but also by his courage in expressing his humanitarian positions, which should be emulated by rising generations.

Cantona described the current situation in the occupied Palestinian territories and the statements made by Israeli officials as 'absolute madness', stressing that Yamal's step was remarkable and impactful. The former French star also indicated his appreciation for the reaction of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, who did not hesitate to describe the young player's behavior as admirable, despite the widespread controversy that accompanied the scene in political and sports circles.

Lamine Yamal, 18 years old, made headlines after appearing on Barcelona's open-top bus waving the Palestinian flag in front of thousands of fans, in a clear message of solidarity during the peak of the local title celebrations. This step did not go unnoticed in Israeli circles, where official bodies launched a fierce attack on the player, reaching the point of direct accusations against him by War Minister Yisrael Katz of supporting what he described as terrorism.

Cantona's statements add new international weight to sports positions supporting Palestinian rights, at a time when pressure on athletes to express their opinions on global issues is increasing. This incident reflects the sharp division in international positions on the Palestinian issue, where some see it as an expression of legitimate human solidarity, while other parties try to criminalize these manifestations of solidarity in stadiums and public platforms.

I love Yamal very much as a football player, and his stance should be an example for everyone. What is happening in Palestine and what Israeli politicians are saying is absolute madness.

The journey of the 'Global Resilience Flotilla' entered its fourth day, as the new international initiative seeks to break the Israeli blockade imposed on the Gaza Strip since 2007. Field sources from aboard the 'Family' ship reported that participants are hopeful of reaching the shores of the Strip this time, despite the logistical challenges and security threats facing the journey since its inception.

Recent hours have seen intensive movements of participating ships and boats, with a group of 20 vessels setting off from off a Greek island towards the coast of Antalya, Turkey. This group is scheduled to join the main flotilla coming from Europe, bringing the total number of ships participating in this humanitarian campaign to approximately 54 diverse ships and boats.

The 'Family' ship is the cornerstone and main pillar of the flotilla, carrying a specialized medical team including surgeons, pediatricians, and other various specialties. These doctors aim to provide urgent healthcare to Gaza residents upon their arrival, compensating for the severe shortage of medical personnel and supplies suffered by the Strip due to the ongoing blockade.

Approximately 500 solidarity activists of different nationalities are participating in this humanitarian mission, representing a wide spectrum of global civil society and human rights organizations. Participants indicated that the great diversity of nationalities reflects the extent of international solidarity with the Palestinian cause and highlights the escalating humanitarian suffering in Gaza caused by Israeli policies.

As part of the field preparations, organizers hold regular meetings to educate participants and distribute roles and tasks, especially regarding maritime safety and security procedures. Ship crews are making double efforts to ensure the readiness of the boats, with a focus on providing clear instructions on how to act if the Israeli navy intercepts the flotilla at sea.

Sources from within the flotilla revealed that participants received intensive training on scenarios of Israeli interception, affirming their commitment to the peaceful nature of the mission regardless of the pressures. Organizers stressed that the ships carry only relief aid and medical supplies, and their sole goal is to deliver these trusts to their rightful recipients in the besieged Palestinian Strip.

Based on previous experiences, the flotilla management decided to change its sailing strategy and consider all international waters as 'red zones' where an Israeli attack is likely. This decision comes after the Israeli army carried out an attack in late April targeting previous flotilla ships in international waters off the island of Crete, leading to the detention of a number of boats and activists.

The journey is currently facing volatile weather conditions, with ships exposed to strong winds and powerful storms that caused some participants to feel unwell, but this did not deter their determination to continue. The flotilla moves at the speed of its slowest boat to ensure the unity of the convoy, with frequent stops for necessary maintenance and refueling to ensure continuous sailing.

The importance of this journey stands out amidst increasing Israeli restrictions on civil society organizations, with reports indicating Israel's ban on the work of 63 civil associations that served Palestinians. The Resilience Flotilla seeks to break this encirclement and draw the world's attention again to the necessity of opening crossings and ending the unjust blockade, which represents collective punishment for more than two million people.

We carry nothing but food, medical supplies, and humanitarian aid, and our mission is entirely peaceful, aiming to reach the people of the besieged Strip.

The Jerusalem Governorate considered the approval by the Israeli occupation authorities of a new colonial plan to establish an army museum, a recruitment office, and a headquarters for the "Israeli Ministry of Security" on the ruins of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) compound in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of occupied Jerusalem, a serious escalation and a flagrant violation of international law, and a blatant infringement of the immunities and privileges of United Nations organizations. The Governorate affirmed, in a statement issued on Sunday, that this aggression constitutes a grave violation of all rules of international law and customs, and a clear violation of Israel's obligations, as the occupying power, under the Fourth Geneva Convention, particularly concerning the protection of public property and ensuring the unhindered work of international humanitarian bodies, in addition to the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations. The Governorate explained that the new colonial project comes after the occupation authorities, last January, demolished the UNRWA compound in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, under the direct supervision of the Minister of National Security in the occupation government, Itamar Ben-Gvir, before suspending a seizure order in favor of the so-called "Israel Land Authority," despite the compound being affiliated with the United Nations and enjoying legal immunity that prevents it from being subjected to any executive, administrative, judicial, or legislative procedures. The Governorate clarified that the plan drafted by Israeli Security Minister Yisrael Katz stipulates the allocation of a plot of land measuring approximately (36) dunams to the Israeli Ministry of Security without a tender, claiming that the current recruitment office building in Jerusalem "does not meet the needs of the Israeli army," in a move that reflects a growing Israeli trend to impose more colonial realities and Judaize the public space in occupied Jerusalem. The Governorate added that the establishment of a museum for the so-called "Israeli Army Heritage" near the "Ammunition Hill" site represents a systematic attempt to reinforce the occupation narrative and link Palestinian historical sites to the Israeli military narrative. The Jerusalem Governorate stressed that any legislation or decisions issued by the occupation authorities have no legal effect on the legal status of UNRWA or on its presence and activities in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem, which is an integral part of the occupied Palestinian territory according to international law and relevant United Nations resolutions. The Jerusalem Governorate called on United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to take urgent steps to refer Israel to the International Court of Justice if it does not revoke the laws and procedures targeting UNRWA and return the assets and properties it has seized, emphasizing that the continued international silence regarding these violations encourages the occupation authorities to continue their aggressions against international institutions and the Palestinian people in occupied Jerusalem.

UNRWA compound in Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, occupied Jerusalem: Photography by Ahmed Jalajel

US President Donald Trump sparked a wave of speculation about the nature of upcoming American moves, after posting a picture on his private platform 'Truth Social' accompanied by a brief comment describing the current phase as 'the calm before the storm.' This cryptic hint comes at a time when the intensity of American rhetoric towards pending international issues is escalating, especially Iran's nuclear ambitions.

In a related context, Trump revealed his vision for dealing with Tehran, indicating his desire to impose a comprehensive suspension of the Iranian nuclear program for twenty years. The US President clarified, in statements made to journalists who accompanied him on Air Force One during his return from the Chinese capital Beijing, that the major powers, represented by Washington and Beijing, are the only ones capable of controlling what he described as 'nuclear dust' within Iranian territory.

Trump stressed that recovering enriched uranium from Iran represents a strategic priority for his administration, despite his hint that he is not convinced of the necessity of this stockpile in the first place. These statements reflect an American insistence on extracting substantial concessions from Tehran, amidst questions about whether the 'storm' Trump alluded to refers to unprecedented economic pressures or another type of action.

The calm before the storm.

A recent opinion poll, published by international media reports, revealed signs of a growing and unprecedented division within the American Republican Party concerning the continued absolute support given to the Israeli occupation state. This shift reflects a fundamental change in the positions of the party's base towards Middle East issues, indicating that the debate is no longer confined to the corridors of the Democratic Party alone.

The data extracted from the poll clarified that cracks have begun to appear clearly within the Republican camp, especially with increasing concerns about being drawn into broad regional conflicts. The report indicated that the 'blank check' policy granted to the occupation is now subject to critical reviews by wings that were historically classified as solid strategic allies.

Regarding the Democratic camp, the results showed that the US administration's policy towards the war in Gaza was a major reason for the White House's loss in the 2024 elections. A wide segment of voters held the current administration responsible for failing to curb military operations that crossed all red lines.

The numbers showed that 35% of those who voted for Kamala Harris believe that the occupation government had justifications at the beginning of the war, but it quickly exceeded what was humanly and legally acceptable. Meanwhile, 27% of respondents affirmed that the military campaign was not justified from its very first moment, reflecting a deep moral gap towards the crisis.

The results did not stop there; they revealed that only 10% of Democratic voters still consider the continuation of the war justified at present. This significant decline in support places immense pressure on political leaders who are trying to balance their positions between international pressures and internal popular demands.

On the Republican side, sharp differences emerged between the 'MAGA' current loyal to former President Donald Trump and young conservatives not affiliated with this current. The 'Public First' institution showed that Republicans independent of the Trump movement are more inclined to believe that Israel has excessive influence over American foreign policy.

These differences were openly manifested through statements by prominent media and political figures who were always considered part of the hard right. Media personality Tucker Carlson and Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene criticized the nature of the close relationship between Washington and Tel Aviv, warning of the repercussions of expanding the conflict with Iran on supreme American interests.

Academics and political analysts link this shift to the growing influence of the 'America First' slogan adopted by the right wing, which explicitly calls for reducing involvement in foreign wars. This approach believes that focusing on internal and economic issues is more important than draining resources in conflicts that do not directly serve the American citizen.

The poll showed that about 29% of Trump voters believe that his focus on international affairs was exaggerated at the expense of domestic issues. This percentage rose sharply to 40% among Republicans who do not classify themselves within the 'MAGA' movement, indicating a structural division within the electoral base.

The age gap was one of the most prominent features of the poll, with 32% of Trump voters under the age of 35 believing that the United States has become too close to the occupation government. This percentage drops sharply to only 11% among age groups over 55, portending a radical change in the future of foreign policy.

When young participants were asked about the future of the relationship, about half of Republicans in the 18-34 age group called for the adoption of a more moderate and independent approach. In contrast, older members of the party still adhere to the traditional view that sees Israel as an ally whose status cannot be touched or policies criticized.

Observers believe that the Republican Party may be heading for a 'major review' of its historical positions, which may cast a shadow over the upcoming primaries. This shift may extend to become rich material in the 2028 presidential race, where candidates will have to address a new generation that does not see support for the occupation as an absolute priority.

The role of lobbying groups, especially AIPAC, has also become a fundamental point of contention within both parties, as the organization faces criticism for its direct interference in elections. The results showed that 'MAGA' supporters endorse this interference, while traditional Republicans who reject the influence of foreign political money on national decision-making oppose it.

In conclusion, these data confirm that the issue of supporting the Israeli occupation no longer represents a point of consensus within the American political arena as it did in past decades. The increasing divisions within the two main parties indicate that the future may witness more balanced American policies or at least more responsive to shifts in domestic public opinion.

The issue of the Israeli occupation state no longer represents a factor of party unity within the United States as it did for decades, but has become a growing axis of division within the two main parties.

The results of the elections for the Fatah Central Committee, the highest leadership authority in the movement, announced the victory of Yasser Abbas, the eldest son of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, securing a seat on the committee for the first time. This victory came during the Eighth General Conference, which concluded its work in Ramallah, Gaza, and a number of Arab capitals, with wide participation from movement cadres.

Yasser Abbas, 64, is considered one of the figures who have emerged politically in the last five years after being appointed as a special representative for his father, despite being a businessman who manages multiple investments and resides in Canada. His entry into the Central Committee represents a significant shift in the structure of the movement's top leadership, which leads the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation Organization.

In the context of the results, the imprisoned leader Marwan Barghouti maintained his prominent position within the movement by receiving the highest number of votes in the Central Committee elections. Barghouti has been in Israeli prisons since 2002, yet his popular and organizational presence has remained overwhelming, reflecting the Fatah base's adherence to resistance symbols.

The new formation of the Central Committee saw the entry of prominent security and field figures, led by Major General Majed Faraj, director of the Palestinian General Intelligence Service. Zakaria Zubeidi, the former commander of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades in Jenin refugee camp, who was released last year as part of a prisoner exchange deal between Israel and resistance factions, also won membership in the committee.

Regarding the old guard, pivotal figures retained their leadership positions, as the conference renewed confidence in Hussein al-Sheikh, Secretary-General of the PLO Executive Committee, and Mahmoud al-Aloul, Deputy Head of the Movement. Jibril Rajoub and Tawfiq Tirawi also remained within the top leadership structure, indicating a balance between renewal and the preservation of traditional power centers.

Sources from the conference administration reported that the electoral process witnessed a large turnout, with participation reaching approximately 94.64%. 2507 members cast their votes to elect 18 members for the Central Committee from among 59 candidates, in addition to electing 80 members for the Revolutionary Council from among 450 competitors.

The conference had commenced its work last Thursday by re-electing Mahmoud Abbas as chairman of the Fatah movement by consensus, a position he has held for more than two decades. This step comes amid previous pledges by the president to inject new blood into state institutions and the organization in response to internal and international reform demands.

This conference is being held at a critical political juncture, as the Palestinian cause faces major security and political challenges in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The Secretary-General of the Central Committee, Jibril Rajoub, described this meeting as the most important in the history of the national movement, given the exceptional circumstances facing the Palestinian struggle.

Through this conference, the Fatah movement seeks to put its internal house in order and strengthen its political legitimacy amidst criticisms related to the stagnation of democratic life. The Palestinian leadership hopes that these changes will enable the Authority to face the challenges of the next phase, including the issue of managing the Gaza Strip and reconstruction.

The conference is the most important in the history of the Palestinian national movement and is being held amidst the most dangerous challenges facing the struggle.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights strongly condemned the inhumane Israeli practices committed against Palestinian prisoners in detention centers under occupation. The Commission called for independent, transparent, and impartial investigations into the circumstances of deaths, torture, and ill-treatment, emphasizing the importance of bringing those responsible for these crimes to international justice.

The spokesperson for the Commission, Thameen Al-Khaitan, explained that available data indicates that prisoners have been subjected to systematic torture and severe sexual assaults, including documented cases of rape targeting even children. Al-Khaitan pointed out that these practices occur within the context of a structurally flawed Israeli detention system, which imposes arbitrary procedures and unfair trials that disregard all international laws and conventions.

In a shocking statistic, the UN Commission confirmed that at least 90 Palestinian detainees have died in Israeli prisons since October 7, 2023. Among the victims was a boy not older than seventeen, who passed away suffering from severe starvation, reflecting the deliberate starvation policy practiced by the prison service against detainees.

These UN statements come in response to an investigative report published by The New York Times, in which journalist Nicholas Kristof revealed atrocities committed by occupation soldiers, prison guards, and settlers against prisoners. The report included live testimonies from 14 former detainees, who recounted horrific details of systematic sexual and physical assaults aimed at humiliating prisoners and breaking their human dignity.

For its part, Hebrew press reports revealed the Israeli government's intransigence and its categorical refusal to allow representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross to visit thousands of Palestinian prisoners. This ban is a blatant violation of the Third and Fourth Geneva Conventions, which Israel signed, and which guarantee the rights of prisoners to communicate with international organizations and receive necessary care.

Media sources indicated that the policies adopted by the Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, are primarily responsible for the severe deterioration in detention conditions. These retaliatory policies have transformed prisons into centers of slow death, due to the spread of diseases, the absence of medical care, and the use of starvation as a tool for collective punishment against Palestinians.

Observers described the released detainees as having turned into 'ghosts and skeletons' as a result of severe malnutrition and continuous physical torture. These field testimonies confirm the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe experienced by thousands of Palestinians inside secret and public detention centers, amidst tight Israeli secrecy to try to hide the features of the crime from the international community.

The UN Commission concluded by emphasizing the necessity of immediately ending the arbitrary Israeli detention system and demanding that Israel, as an occupying power, fulfill its obligations under international human rights law. It stressed that continued impunity encourages the commission of further violations that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Prisoners in Israeli prisons systematically face torture and ill-treatment, including sexual violence and rape that has affected children.

Abdullah Al-Zaghari: The establishment of a special court for prisoners from Gaza reflects an Israeli tendency to employ legal and judicial tools to deepen the policy of revenge against Palestinians. Hilmi Al-Araj: There is a realistic possibility of overturning these laws, but the absence of effective action may open the door to the execution of death sentences against prisoners. Nizar Nazzal: Israel has rarely used the death penalty, making the current path an attempt to establish a special legal framework related to what is called "terrorism" and wars. Yasser Manna: The establishment of these courts reflects an Israeli tendency seeking to reframe the prisoner issue to become a central part of the deterrence equation after October 7th. Talal Awkal: Israel will move towards implementing the law on the execution of prisoners and will work to use it as a political and security pressure card against the "Hamas" movement. Sari Sammour: The chances of retreating from the path of executing prisoners seem slim given the prevailing Palestinian frustration, Arab preoccupation, and the absence of effective international pressure. Ramallah - Exclusive to "Al-Quds" - The prisoner file is approaching a new turning point with Israel proceeding with legislative and judicial steps targeting prisoners from the Gaza Strip, through the establishment of special courts for elite prisoners from the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of the Hamas movement, and the re-activation of the prisoner execution law, in a trend that reflects a clear escalation in Israeli policies towards Palestinian detainees, and raises fears of an expansion of execution steps against prisoners, and even within an endeavor to legalize revenge against Palestinians. Officials, human rights activists, specialists, writers, and political analysts, in interviews with "Al-Quds", believe that these moves should be read in the context of the political transformations witnessed by Israel after the war on Gaza, where issues of deterrence and revenge have topped the political and security discourse among right-wing parties pushing for stricter legislation. They believe that the new trend is not limited to the judicial dimension, but also carries internal political dimensions related to electoral bidding and attempts to restore an image of strength before Israeli society. They point out that these laws could be a political and security pressure tool, or a step that could turn into actual implementation if the current Israeli political environment continues without external pressures capable of stopping this path. Extension of the Genocide War The head of the Prisoner's Club, Abdullah Al-Zaghari, warns of the serious repercussions of the new Israeli legislation related to prisoners from the Gaza Strip, considering that the occupation system's tendency to establish specialized courts to try detainees from the Strip and issue sentences that may reach execution or long prison terms without the possibility of release, comes within a broader policy as an extension of the ongoing genocide war against Palestinians, especially in the Gaza Strip. Al-Zaghari confirms that the approval of this type of laws and courts cannot be separated from the path Israel has followed since the beginning of the war, explaining that the occupation system has continued to issue military orders and legislation targeting Palestinians, in parallel with the widespread military operations witnessed in the Gaza Strip, which resulted in the death of thousands of Palestinian victims, in addition to the "genocide" that affected prisoners inside Israeli prisons, pointing to the martyrdom of more than 100 Palestinian detainees inside Israeli detention centers. Al-Zaghari explains that the new legislation to establish a special court for prisoners from the Gaza Strip came less than two months after the approval of a law related to the execution of prisoners, considering that these steps reflect a tendency by the extremist Israeli right-wing government to employ legal and judicial tools to deepen the policy of revenge against Palestinians, and especially against prisoners, by enshrining exceptional laws that directly target them. Al-Zaghari believes that what allowed these legislations to pass, whether related to the law on the execution of prisoners or the special courts for prisoners from the Gaza Strip, is the Israeli denial of humanitarian and moral values, in addition to challenging the international system and disregarding international law, in light of the retreat and failure of international human rights and humanitarian institutions to provide protection for male and female prisoners inside prisons, as well as for the Palestinian people in general since the beginning of the war on Gaza. Targeting on the Basis of "Ethnic Cleansing" Al-Zaghari confirms that current Israeli policies fall within a broader project targeting Palestinians on the basis of "ethnic cleansing" and erasing Palestine from the global political map, which puts the international community, especially UN institutions, to a test regarding their ability to protect the humanitarian principles upon which they were founded. Within the Implementation Path Regarding the possibility of implementing the prisoner execution law, Al-Zaghari suggests that the new legislations will turn into actual measures on the ground, pointing out that the prisoner execution law, which was approved about two months ago, is now within the implementation path within military courts, so that it can be applied to any Palestinian prisoner accused of carrying out operations that resulted in the killing of Israelis. Al-Zaghari expects that the law for prisoners from the Gaza Strip will be applied in the coming period, given the consensus within Israeli right-wing circles to support it, considering that prisoners thus face a new stage of escalation and revenge inside Israeli detention centers. Direct Extension of the Prisoner Execution Law The Director-General of the "Hurriyat" Center for the Defense of Freedoms and Civil Rights, Hilmi Al-Araj, explains that the Israeli Knesset's approval of a law to establish special courts to try elite prisoners from the Hamas movement represents a direct extension of the prisoner execution law approved by the Knesset on March 30th, confirming that these laws aim to pave the way for trying prisoners and sentencing them to death, including retroactively, in a step that carries a clear racist and discriminatory character. Al-Araj points out that these laws enshrine the targeting of Palestinians without Israelis, in the absence of fair trial standards, and the existence of ready-made charges used as a tool for revenge against the Palestinian people and prisoners from the Gaza Strip, under various pretexts. Al-Araj notes that this legislative system is not separate from a broader context of the continuation of the crime of genocide, the violation of the right to life, and the violation of the Geneva Conventions, especially the Fourth Convention which stipulates the protection of populations under occupation, and this confirms the need to protect the Palestinian people, including prisoners. Al-Araj confirms that these measures also contradict the United Nations Charter, which recognizes the right of peoples under occupation to resist the occupier for self-determination, in addition to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which guarantees the right to life. Transformation of Laws into Tools of Revenge Al-Araj believes that what is happening reflects both political and judicial employment, where laws are transformed into tools of revenge instead of being tools of justice. Al-Araj explains that the passage of these laws is directly linked to the electoral competition within right-wing and racist parties in Israel, where Palestinian blood and the suffering of prisoners are invested in the internal political conflict, in light of the growing racist tendency within Israeli society. Necessary Confrontation Al-Araj confirms that Israel may proceed with the execution of prisoners unless it faces real accountability and scrutiny, which also includes economic measures and political pressures. Al-Araj stresses that the prisoner execution law amounts to a "war crime", and that its application depends on the political and legal cost paid by the occupation. Nevertheless, Al-Araj believes that there is a realistic possibility of overturning the elite prisoner and prisoner execution laws, or at least freezing their implementation, as they are racist laws that explicitly violate the right to life, but the absence of effective national, regional, international, legal, political, and diplomatic action may open the door to the execution of death sentences against prisoners. Al-Araj confirms that the success of any path to confront them requires broad popular, political, diplomatic, and legal action, with Palestine and its people, along with the free people of the world, at its heart as a fundamental lever to stop these policies and hold their perpetrators accountable. Multiple Political, Security, and Legal Messages The researcher specializing in Israeli affairs and conflict issues, Nizar Nazzal, believes that the Israeli Knesset's approval of establishing a judicial framework and a special court for "elite" elements of the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of the Hamas movement, which may include the death penalty, transcends its purely judicial dimensions, and carries multiple political, security, and legal messages, reflecting shifts in Israel's approach to dealing with prisoner files and the conflict. Nazzal explains that the step reflects a transition from the "containment logic" that Israel followed in previous stages to the "revenge and deterrence logic", in an attempt to show a higher level of firmness towards perpetrators of operations, especially in light of the repercussions of the current war. Electoral Bidding Nazzal points out that these trends are also linked to internal and electoral considerations, as the Israeli government, especially the extremist right-wing parties, seeks to address the angry Israeli public by showing more stringent and harsh positions, noting that such laws receive wide support within right-wing bases and are used to enhance the government's image as "not compromising with Palestinians." Attempt to Create an Exceptional Precedent Nazzal points out that the trend also carries a legal dimension, which is an attempt to create a new exceptional precedent, as Israel has historically rarely used the death penalty, with the exception of the Nazi Adolf Eichmann, which makes the current path an attempt to establish a special legal framework related to what Israel describes as "terrorism" and war files. Nazzal clarifies that the messages are not limited to the Hamas movement only, but extend to the axis of resistance, in the context of sending a broader regional deterrence message. Nazzal warns of potential repercussions of this step, including the escalation of the prisoner file, the possibility of resistance factions resorting to threatening retaliatory responses or carrying out future operations for the purpose of exchange, as well as opening the door to increasing legal pressures and human rights and international criticism against Israel. Nazzal points out that there is an Israeli fear that the trials will turn into a media and political platform that gives an opposing narrative momentum before the world. Still a Confused Step Nazzal believes that the step is still confused and may be implemented, but Israel may use the law as a deterrence and negotiating pressure card and for internal consumption more than it is a step capable of immediate application, given the high security and political cost that may include international pressures, retaliatory possibilities, and the complication of exchange deals, in addition to fears of creating new Palestinian symbols and igniting multiple confrontation arenas. Nazzal believes that approving the law seems politically easier, but actually carrying out executions remains uncertain due to its cost, which may exceed its gains for Israel. Legalizing Revenge The writer and researcher specializing in Israeli affairs, Yasser Manna, explains that the Israeli trend towards establishing special courts to try Palestinian prisoners from the Gaza Strip, comes within the push for the prisoner execution law, reflecting a harmony between legislative and judicial paths aimed at transforming "revenge" for the events of October 7th into an organized and legalized legal system. Manna points out that these steps are not limited to their judicial dimension, but come within a broader shift in Israeli policy towards Palestinians, represented by the transition from managing the conflict to attempting to resolve it and impose its ends through tools of force and deterrence. Manna confirms that the establishment of these special courts reflects an Israeli political trend seeking to reframe the prisoner file to become a central part of the deterrence equation after October 7th, by linking justice with concepts of deterrence and revenge. Manna notes that this path carries implications that go beyond the court itself, as it reflects Israel's redefinition of the concept of justice in the context of the conflict, making it a political and security tool at the same time. Actual Execution Not Ruled Out Regarding the possibility of carrying out death sentences against prisoners, Manna believes that this possibility remains plausible and not ruled out in the current Israeli political climate, especially in cases classified within Israeli discourse as "symbolic" and directly linked to the October 7th attack and its profound impact on Israeli consciousness. Manna points out that dealing with the execution file should not be viewed as merely a media threat or a pressure card, but as a political and legal option that can turn into actual implementation at any moment, depending on political and security developments within Israel. Clear Violation of International Law The writer and political analyst Talal Awkal believes that the Israeli Knesset's return to completing the procedures for approving a draft law related to the execution of Palestinian prisoners from Hamas fighters, by pushing it towards the second and third readings, and the talk about a decision to establish a special court to try Hamas fighters, reflects an Israeli insistence on proceeding on a path that ignores escalating international warnings and condemnations, despite the accusations raised by the law regarding its discriminatory nature and its violation of international law. Awkal explains that the law has a "blatantly racist" character as it targets Palestinian prisoners in particular, and focuses on Hamas fighters, considering that it constitutes a clear and gross violation of international law and international humanitarian law, especially in light of the rules governing the treatment of prisoners during conflicts. A State of "Israeli Callousness" Towards the International System Awkal believes that proceeding with the approval of this legislation reflects a state of "Israeli callousness" towards the international legal and humanitarian system, after the war on the Gaza Strip and the accompanying massacres, starvation policies, and siege, which are accusations made by international human rights institutions and experts. Awkal points out that Israel, despite the acknowledgment by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and security and civilian officials, writers, and journalists of increasing international isolation, seems to have entered a dark tunnel from which it is difficult to exit politically and morally. Awkal believes that Israel will eventually move towards implementing the prisoner execution law, but he adds that this may not be immediate, as it is likely to first work to use it as a political and security pressure card against the Hamas movement, with the aim of imposing conditions related to surrender or handing over weapons, before moving to actual implementation. Deep Transformations in the Structure of Israeli Governance and Society The writer and political analyst Sari Sammour explains that the Israeli trend towards seeking to approve and implement death sentences against Palestinian prisoners cannot be separated from the deep transformations that have occurred in the structure of Israeli governance and society, considering that the matter reflects a change in Israeli perceptions towards Palestinians and the world, in light of the rise of extremist right-wing currents that are no longer concerned with preserving the traditional image that Israel sought to present of itself for decades as a democratic state. Sammour points out that Israel historically avoided carrying out death sentences against Palestinians for fear of solidifying national symbols that remain present in the collective Palestinian memory, recalling the experience of the execution of the martyrs of the Buraq Revolution during the British occupation; Muhammad Jamjoum, Fouad Hijazi, and Atta Al-Zir, as well as Sheikh Farhan Al-Saadi, whose memory is still present in Palestinian consciousness. Sammour confirms that Israel, despite its responsibility for the killing of large numbers of Palestinians during the past decades, was keen not to carry out executions in their direct legal form, to avoid their political and symbolic repercussions. Sammour notes that Israel has long sought to present itself to the world as "not a state of gallows", citing the position of former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who opposed the execution of a death sentence issued against prisoner Said Badarneh from the town of Ya'bad, southwest of Jenin, where the sentence was reconsidered and replaced with life imprisonment before he was later released as part of the prisoner exchange deal known as the Shalit deal. First Test Sammour believes that the current Israeli scene is radically different, as the prevailing political current is no longer keen to show Israel's "liberal face", expecting that the Israeli government, if it decides to carry out executions, will resort to something similar to a "first test" by carrying out sentences against a limited number of prisoners, and perhaps from the Gaza Strip in the first stage, to measure Palestinian, Arab, and international reactions, before moving to broader steps. Chances of Retreating from Prisoner Execution Seem Slim Sammour points out that the chances of retreating from the path of executing prisoners seem slim given the prevailing Palestinian frustration and Arab preoccupation, in addition to the absence of effective international pressure, considering that what is happening comes in the context of an Israeli political environment based on electoral bidding between right-wing forces "competing over who harms Palestinians more and seizes more land." Attempt to Restore Deterrence Power Sammour confirms that the formation of a special court for Palestinian fighters from the Gaza Strip, who are elite elements of the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of the Hamas movement, carries multiple messages, most notably an attempt to restore Israeli deterrence power and spread frustration in the Palestinian street, in addition to sending a message that those who went out with the aim of capturing Israelis to free Palestinian prisoners may themselves face imprisonment and execution. Sammour stresses that Palestinian fighters should be treated as prisoners of war according to international norms, which makes the idea of executing them a departure from humanitarian and legal rules, while at the same time suggesting that the implementation of death sentences has become a highly probable possibility in light of political and social transformations within Israel, although he does not rule out that strong international or internal reactions could lead to stopping this path.

Two Palestinians were martyred and a number of citizens were injured with varying degrees of severity this Sunday morning, as a result of a series of airstrikes launched by the occupation's drones on various areas in the Gaza Strip. This shelling coincided with a remarkable field escalation, represented by intense gunfire from military vehicles stationed south of Khan Yunis city and in the eastern areas of the Al-Tuffah neighborhood, which led to a state of panic among the residents.

Regarding the details of the attacks, Nasser Medical Complex announced the arrival of the body of a martyr and a number of wounded after an Israeli reconnaissance plane targeted a group of citizens in the center of Khan Yunis city, south of the Strip. Ambulance and emergency sources also confirmed the martyrdom of another citizen and the injury of several people in a similar raid that targeted Jabalia camp north of the Strip at dawn today, where the victims were transferred to nearby hospitals under difficult field conditions.

In a related context, medical sources in Gaza hospitals revealed a bloody toll of the continuous raids on Gaza City and the northern governorate since Saturday evening, with the number of martyrs reaching 11 citizens, while the number of injured exceeded 60 people. The sources explained that the injuries range from moderate to serious, which places additional pressure on the already dilapidated health system due to the siege and continuous targeting.

On the ground, the southern areas of Khan Yunis city witnessed intense artillery shelling since the early morning hours, where occupation shells directly targeted residential buildings. The shelling was accompanied by extensive sweeping operations and gunfire from drones that roamed the skies of the Al-Tuffah neighborhood, targeting citizens' homes and properties in an attempt to terrorize civilians and prevent them from moving in those areas.

The late evening hours of yesterday witnessed another crime, as an occupation drone targeted a civilian vehicle that was moving near 'Al-Wahda Tower' on Al-Shifa Street west of Gaza City. This direct targeting resulted in the martyrdom of two Palestinians and the serious injury of three others, according to civil defense crews who rushed to the scene to retrieve the victims and extinguish the burning vehicle.

Nasser Medical Complex confirmed the martyrdom of one and the injury of others as a result of a raid carried out by an Israeli drone in the center of Khan Yunis city, south of the Strip.

Israeli occupation forces continued their intensive military operations today, Sunday, in various areas of the Gaza Strip, with artillery shelling and heavy gunfire concentrated on the eastern and southern axes. Medical sources confirmed the martyrdom of one person due to a direct targeting of the Rafah garage area in the center of Khan Yunis city, coinciding with intense artillery shelling targeting residential neighborhoods in the city.

In the central part of the Strip, field sources reported that the occupation artillery launched intensive shelling on the eastern areas of Al-Bureij camp, causing panic among residents and displaced people. This shelling coincided with continuous explosions resulting from military operations launched from occupation sites behind the security fence towards the depth of populated areas.

Gaza City witnessed the funeral of three martyrs, two of whom fell in a raid targeting a vehicle in Al-Nasr neighborhood, while the third martyr fell near Abu Hussein Gate School in Jabalia camp, north of the Strip. These developments come amidst escalating field tension following assassination operations targeting field leaders, most notably the assassination of Izz al-Din al-Haddad.

At sea, Israeli warships opened fire with their machine guns towards the coast of Gaza City, hindering the movement of fishermen and increasing the field tension. The aggressions were not limited to direct shelling but also included extensive sweeping operations with heavy weapons in border areas, causing severe material damage to infrastructure.

In Al-Tuffah neighborhood, east of Gaza City, drones targeted citizens' homes with heavy fire, trapping a number of families inside their homes. Local sources indicated that occupation vehicles stationed south of Khan Yunis opened fire on residential buildings, leading to partial destruction of a number of vital facilities in the area.

Medical teams and civil defense crews face extreme difficulties in reaching targeted areas due to continuous aerial and ground shelling and ongoing sweeping operations. Relief agencies warned that the continued closure of crossings and restrictions on aid movement threaten to halt remaining medical services amidst the increasing number of injuries and martyrs.

Humanitarianly, more than a million displaced Palestinians live in catastrophic conditions inside tents that lack the most basic necessities for a dignified life, especially with the sharp rise in temperatures. The suffering of the residents is compounded by a severe shortage of drinking water and the spread of diseases, in the absence of any prospect for a quick calm that would end the ongoing military operations.

International demands continue for the necessity of opening safe corridors to ensure urgent delivery of humanitarian and medical aid to all areas of the Strip. However, the occupation forces continue to impose a strict blockade that prevents the wounded from leaving to receive treatment abroad, threatening a health and environmental catastrophe that worsens with every hour that passes under the weight of the shelling.

Field escalation and the assassination of cadres directly reflect on the field scene amidst fears of the situation sliding towards a wider confrontation.

Hebrew media reports have acknowledged the escalating phenomenon of Israeli occupation army soldiers participating in systematic attacks against Palestinian citizens in the occupied West Bank. Press sources reported that the military establishment has begun to lose control over its personnel, as regular soldiers are participating in their official uniforms and military vehicles in carrying out what has been described as 'Jewish terrorism' alongside extremist settler groups.

In details of one of the recent incidents, six right-wing extremists, including a soldier serving in the 'Binyamin Brigade', stormed the Palestinian village of Al-Shahba last Friday evening. The attackers set fire to a number of Palestinian citizens' vehicles, causing extensive material damage, before the occupation authorities announced the arrest of a number of suspects, including the implicated soldier, and their transfer for investigation by the West Bank police.

The sources indicated that the involvement of elements from the West Bank division in crimes of a nationalistic nature is not an isolated or new event, but rather a behavior that has been conspicuously repeated over the past year and a half. Reports confirm that many of these soldiers have been seen engaging in excessive violence against Palestinian civilians, exploiting the immunity provided to them by military uniform and army vehicles in their aggressive movements.

The roots of this crisis go back to political pressures exerted on the leadership of the occupation army to integrate elements of the extreme right into the General Staff units, under the pretext of protecting settlements in the West Bank. It appears that these groups have exploited their military positions to implement extremist ideological agendas, making it difficult for field commanders to curb their actions, which go beyond official military orders and turn into direct attacks.

These confessions reflect a state of security chaos within the ranks of the occupation forces operating in the occupied territories, where the lines between the role of the regular soldier and the activity of the extremist settler are blurred. Observers warn that the continuation of this approach and the provision of political cover for these soldiers will lead to an escalation in the pace of attacks against Palestinian villages and towns, in the absence of real accountability and the spread of extremist ideology within combat units.

Soldiers in military uniform, entering army vehicles and participating in Jewish terrorism against Palestinians.

Washington – Said Arikat – 5/17/2026

Press reports and testimonies from Iraqi and regional officials have revealed the existence of two secret military bases established by Israel deep in the Iraqi western desert, a development that highlights the fragility of Iraqi sovereignty and raises serious questions about the American role, the limits of Iranian influence, and the nature of the escalating regional conflict between Israel and Tehran.

According to information published by the "New York Times" on Sunday, one of the bases was discovered after the killing of Iraqi shepherd Awad Al-Shammari, 29, last March, after he encountered the presence of forces, helicopters, and military installations near the desert area of Al-Nukhaib, located in western Iraq.

The newspaper stated that Al-Shammari reported what he saw to the Iraqi military command before contact with him was later lost. Two days later, his relatives found his burned body near his destroyed vehicle in the desert, while eyewitnesses reported that a helicopter pursued his car and repeatedly fired at it until it stopped.

Although Israel refused to comment on the incident or on the existence of its bases inside Iraq, Iraqi officials confirmed to the newspaper the existence of a second base also in the western desert region, which was used to support Israeli military operations against Iran during the June 2025 war.

According to regional security officials, Israel began preparing these bases since late 2024, by selecting remote locations suitable as logistical and air support points in any future confrontation with Iran, especially to reduce the distances Israeli aircraft travel during their operations.

Officials said the base discovered by Al-Shammari was used to provide air support, refueling, and medical evacuation during the short 12-day Israeli-Iranian war last year.

Shock within Iraq

This information sparked a wide wave of anger within Iraq, where politicians and parliamentarians considered the presence of Israeli bases on Iraqi territory a blatant violation of national sovereignty and revealed a serious weakness in the security system.

Iraqi MP Waad Al-Qaddo, who attended a secret parliamentary briefing on the issue, said that what happened "reflects a clear disregard for Iraq's sovereignty and the dignity of its people."

In contrast, Major General Ali Al-Hamdani, commander of the Iraqi Middle Euphrates Forces, admitted that Iraqi forces had suspected for weeks the existence of "unusual" military activity in the western desert, but they confined themselves to remote monitoring without approaching the site.

Al-Hamdani added that the Iraqi army requested clarifications from the American side about the mysterious military activity, but received no response.

One day after Al-Shammari's disappearance, Baghdad sent a reconnaissance force to the area, but it came under fire and shelling, which led to the killing of an Iraqi soldier and the injury of others, forcing the force to withdraw.

Following the incident, the Iraqi Joint Operations Command announced that a "foreign force" attacked Iraqi forces, while subsequent communications between Baghdad and the US military command indicated that the attacking forces were "not American," which reinforced the belief that they were Israeli.

The American role under scrutiny

These developments place the United States under accusation, especially with former American military and diplomatic officials confirming that the US Central Command could not be unaware of the existence of Israeli military activity inside Iraq, given the close coordination between the American and Israeli armies.

Iraqi officials also indicated that Washington requested Baghdad during the recent war to shut down Iraqi radar systems to protect American aircraft, which made Iraq more dependent on American information to monitor any hostile military movements.

Observers believe that this reinforces the impression that Washington either concealed information from the Iraqi government, or that it informed some Iraqi leaders who preferred to keep the matter secret to avoid an internal political crisis.

This issue reveals the extent of erosion that has affected the concept of Iraqi sovereignty since the American invasion in 2003, as Iraq has become an open arena for regional and international competition, without an actual ability to control its borders or security decisions. The presence of secret Israeli bases inside Iraqi territory, whether with or without Baghdad's knowledge, reflects a deep imbalance in the structure of the Iraqi state. Moreover, the inability of Iraqi forces to deal directly with these sites, or even to detect them early, highlights the complexity of the security scene, where American, Iranian, and Israeli interests overlap at the expense of independent Iraqi national decision-making.

These developments put the Trump administration under increasing criticism within Iraq and the region, especially if it is proven that Washington was aware of the Israeli presence and did not officially inform Baghdad. The American administration has always presented itself as an ally that respects Iraq's sovereignty, but allowing Israel to use Iraqi territory in operations against Iran could completely undermine this discourse. The matter also gives pro-Tehran armed factions an additional pretext to attack the American presence and reject any calls for their disarmament, on the grounds that the United States has become a direct partner in transforming Iraq into a platform for regional conflict.

From the Israeli perspective, these bases reveal a remarkable development in Israeli military doctrine, based on expanding the scope of operations far from traditional borders. Israel now believes that confronting Iran cannot be limited to Syrian or Gulf airspace, but requires a broader intelligence and logistical deployment within the region. The use of the Iraqi desert also indicates an increasing reliance on insecure areas to establish temporary military structures that are difficult to detect. This reflects Israel's transition from a strategy of "limited strikes" to building more complex and sustainable regional operational networks.

As for the Iraqi popular level, the issue is likely to leave a deep psychological and political impact, especially with the killing of the shepherd Awad Al-Shammari, who has become a symbol of what many describe as "official neglect." The issue is no longer just a security file, but has become linked to feelings of national humiliation and the feeling that Iraq's lands are being used by external powers without the knowledge of citizens or even state institutions. The escalation of popular anger may lead to increased pressure on the Iraqi government to take a tougher stance towards the foreign military presence, whether American or otherwise.

The book 'The Palestinian Communist Party from Foundation to Change' by researcher Muhammad Mansour Abu Rukba opens a thorny file in contemporary Palestinian political history. The study, published by Dar Al-Sawma'a in 2026, reviews the path of one of the oldest political movements in the region, which witnessed complex overlaps between international ideology and the national liberation question.

The historical reading confirms that communism in Palestine was at the forefront of those who confronted settler colonialism from its very beginnings under the British Mandate. The party directed its struggles against systematic Jewish immigration, warning of its danger in changing the national demography and forming a foreign majority in the country.

The early communists defined their main goal as liquidating the occupation and ensuring the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination through an independent democratic government. Despite their initial rejection of partition plans, the international balance of power at the time pushed them to approve UN Resolution 181 of 1947.

The issue of national unity formed a fundamental pillar in the party's literature, where it was seen as a scientific necessity for analyzing the reality of social classes and their interests. The party criticized limiting unity to armed factions only, calling for expanding the representative base to include popular and economic forces hostile to the occupation.

Communist activity in Palestine began to extend to the Arab periphery in the mid-1920s, which alarmed the British and French Mandate authorities. The party believed that the Arab East was a single unit with common interests, and that the existing fragmentation was the result of conflicting colonial settlements.

Britain imposed a strict intellectual blockade to prevent the infiltration of Russian Revolution principles into Palestine, fearing their anti-imperialist effects. Nevertheless, these ideas reached through newcomers who were influenced by global transformations, contributing to the formation of the first nucleus of the labor and trade union movement.

The party was officially founded in Jaffa in 1919 and soon joined the 'Comintern' in Moscow to become part of the global communist system. Its early leaders warned against being led by Zionist policies, calling for the search for formulas of coexistence based on social justice.

The problem of 'Arabization of the Party' emerged as one of the most complex issues in its journey, facing resistance from some Jewish elements within the leadership. The Comintern's condition was clear: Arabs must be given a leading role commensurate with their being the overwhelming majority in the country.

To solve the cadre crisis, the party dispatched the first group of Arab communists to Moscow in 1927 to receive political and organizational education. Among these leaders were Radwan Al-Helou and Nejati Sidqi, who played a pivotal role in directing the party's activity towards Arab farmers and workers.

In 1943, the 'National Liberation League' was established as a broad national leftist framework comprising Arab intellectuals and workers in Palestine. The League was not merely a party split, but represented a political vanguard aiming to protect the social and economic demands of the masses in the face of colonialism.

Emile Touma, one of the most prominent leaders of the League, affirmed that this organization was born out of the Palestinian society's need for a party that carries the progressive heritage of the nation. The League considered itself an integral part of the Palestinian national movement, with an emphasis on the class dimension in the struggle against imperialism.

After 1948 and the establishment of the occupation state, Arab communists faced dramatic transformations in their political and organizational reality. While some agreed to the partition resolution and integrated into new frameworks, others opposed this path, leading to the emergence of deep intellectual crises within the movement.

The post-Nakba period witnessed a division in attitudes towards Israeli policies, the Soviet Union, and the Arab nationalist tide led by Gamal Abdel Nasser. The anti-Zionist current within the party struggled against the military rule imposed on Palestinians in the occupied territories in 1948.

The book concludes by documenting the role of communist intellectuals and poets who became national symbols deeply rooted in the homeland's soil. These individuals provided models of sacrifice in defending the rights of the working class, making the communist school a fundamental source of Palestinian revolutionary thought.

Palestinian communists realized early on that in order to defeat the forces of colonialism and Zionism, a national alliance based on anti-imperialism was necessary.

The Palestinian Ministry of Health announced on Saturday morning the martyrdom of Nour al-Din Fayyad, 34, who succumbed to serious injuries sustained from Israeli occupation forces' bullets. This occurred during an incursion carried out by Israeli units into Jenin refugee camp, where violent confrontations erupted in the area.\n\nThis field escalation coincided with the 78th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba, as occupation forces intensified their military operations in various cities and refugee camps across the West Bank. The incursions included towns and villages in Tubas, Tulkarm, and Qalqilya, amid strict security measures and house searches.\n\nIn Hebron governorate, medical sources reported that three Palestinian citizens were injured as a result of attacks carried out by extremist settlers on Friday evening. The Palestinian Red Crescent confirmed that its teams dealt with a live bullet injury to the thigh area in the town of Al-Dhahiriya, resulting from a settler directly firing at citizens.\n\nJaber neighborhood within Hebron city also witnessed severe beatings by groups of settlers, leading to two Palestinians sustaining various injuries and bruises. First aid was provided to the injured on the field before they were transferred to nearby hospitals for necessary treatment.\n\nVideo clips documented settlers attacking Palestinian homes in Wadi al-Hussein area in Hebron with stones, causing significant material damage. These attacks come under the protection and heavy presence of occupation forces who did not intervene to stop settler attacks on civilians.\n\nIn the Ramallah countryside, settlers attacked the outskirts of Shaqba town, where they set fire to two vehicles belonging to Palestinian citizens. The attacks also affected four other vehicles and agricultural rooms, coinciding with the occupation forces' incursion into the area to secure the withdrawal of the attacking settlers.\n\nAs for Bethlehem governorate, occupation forces stormed Nahalin town and stationed themselves in its center, where they carried out a widespread raid campaign on homes and commercial shops. This operation resulted in the arrest of a number of citizens, whose identities or destination have not yet been disclosed.\n\nIn a related context, local sources reported that Israeli special forces infiltrated Qalqilya city using camouflaged civilian vehicles. These forces raided several areas in the city, causing a state of tension and confrontations with Palestinian youths who tried to confront the incursion.\n\nRegarding violations in places of worship, Palestinian platforms circulated scenes showing occupation forces storming 'Beit Sheikh' mosque in Khirbet Tana, east of Beit Furik. The forces tried to prevent worshippers from performing prayers several times, but the residents insisted on holding them despite the imposed military restrictions.\n\nFor its part, a report by the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission revealed a frightening escalation in the pace of attacks during last April, with more than 1600 attacks recorded. These violations were distributed between direct army attacks and organized settler attacks, most of which were concentrated in Nablus, Hebron, and Ramallah.\n\nThe Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned in a statement the continuous incursions and settler attacks, especially in occupied Jerusalem. The ministry described these moves as a serious threat aimed at changing the status quo and imposing a fait accompli policy through military force and political incitement.\n\n"The Foreign Ministry indicated that the participation of ministers in the occupation government in these provocative practices reflects an official tendency to escalate the situation in the West Bank. It warned that the continuation of this policy would lead to further explosion in the region, calling on the international community to intervene immediately to stop these crimes.\n\nOfficial statistics indicate that the West Bank has been in a state of turmoil since the start of the war on the Gaza Strip in October 2023. Since then, confrontations and attacks have resulted in the martyrdom of 1155 Palestinians and the injury of thousands, amid arrest campaigns that targeted about 22,000 people.\n\nThese provocative practices and the accompanying incitement are part of the occupation's plan to impose new realities by force in occupied Jerusalem.

The streets of New York City, on Friday, witnessed thousands of demonstrators in an angry protest march condemning the continuation of the Israeli aggression on the Gaza Strip. The massive demonstration toured the main squares of the city, where participants raised slogans demanding freedom for Palestine and an immediate halt to the genocide war against civilians in the besieged Strip.

In a sharp expressive move, a number of protesters burned the Israeli flag and trampled on it in front of the crowds of demonstrators, which led to a state of extreme tension in the place. Media sources reported that these scenes reflect the growing tension in the American street and the radical shift in popular attitudes towards Israeli policies and ongoing military operations.

For its part, security agencies and New York police immediately intervened after the flag burning, carrying out arrests of at least one participant among the crowd. Despite the intense security presence, demonstrators continued to chant slogans condemning American support for the occupation, stressing that the voice of the street will not be silenced until justice is achieved for Palestinians.

Organizers of the march affirmed that this popular movement aims to send a clear and explicit message to decision-makers in Washington about the necessity of changing their policies towards the Palestinian issue. They also stressed that protests will continue in various American states to pressure for a ceasefire and the lifting of the unjust siege imposed on the residents of the Gaza Strip for years.

These developments come amid escalating global popular rejection of the crimes committed by the occupation army, where observers considered that the scene of flames devouring the occupation flag in the heart of New York represents a strong symbolism of rejection of Israeli policies. The atmosphere in the city remained charged with tension after the dispersal of the march, amid insistence from pro-Palestine forces to escalate the pace of protest activities.

The march toured the main squares of the city amid chants demanding freedom for Palestine and an end to the war of genocide.

Dr. Mohammed Halsa: Netanyahu still possesses political tools that enable him to influence these movements, even though the opposition has taken a first step towards trying to gather its scattered and fragmented forces.

Dr. Adnan Al-Afandi: The upcoming elections are a pivotal station in determining the directions of Israel's internal and external policy, especially after the events of October 7th.

Mazen Al-Jaabari: Netanyahu monopolized executive power by transforming the Likud into a populist right-wing party, becoming a tool for passing a coalition agenda with small, extremist parties.

Wadih Abu Nassar: The upcoming elections involve many aspects that could be pivotal for the fate of Israel, and the formation of the government depends on the alliances that will emerge.

Dr. Thaer Abu Ras: The upcoming elections and their results depend on regional, international, and internal transformations, and an alliance between Ben Gvir and Smotrich is likely.. and the war on Iran is the most important variable.

Wadih Awawdeh: A set of factors reflects the complexity surrounding the upcoming elections, which may constitute a decisive turning point in the future of the Israeli political scene.

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In light of the political and security transformations Israel has witnessed since October 7th, attention is turning to the upcoming Israeli elections as one of the most sensitive and complex stations in the history of the Israeli party scene. While Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continues to face various internal and external issues, especially the repercussions of the war, corruption files, and questions related to his health after the announcement of his malignant tumor, specialists and observers, in interviews with "e", believe that the balance of power between the ruling coalition and the opposition remains close, emphasizing that the rise of right-wing discourse and the changes brought about by the war in the mood of the Israeli voter will make these elections a fateful battle that may redraw the political map in Israel, at a time when the possibilities of military escalation and new alliances remain crucial factors in determining their results.

No significant change despite Netanyahu's illness

Dr. Mohammed Halsa, a specialist in Israeli affairs, confirms that, even with the announcement of Benjamin Netanyahu's cancer diagnosis, no significant change has occurred in the political party scene regarding the upcoming elections, nor in the balance of power between the ruling coalition and the opposition bloc.

He adds: It is true that the opposition has taken a first step towards trying to gather its scattered and fragmented forces, but Netanyahu still possesses political tools that enable him to influence these movements, by playing on their ideological and political contradictions to serve his interests.

Al-Halsa adds that a political campaign has already begun targeting Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, where they are ridiculed within right-wing circles and portrayed as willing to ally with Arab parties, which is used to incite against them.

Al-Halsa continues, the alliance between Lapid and Bennett is presented in right-wing discourse as a product of Lapid's need for political survival in light of his declining popularity and his approaching below the electoral threshold, as well as Bennett's need to present himself as an opposition leader capable of competing with Netanyahu.

What if the opposition parties unite?

Al-Halsa emphasizes that, nevertheless, the scene is not yet complete, as the positions of Gadi Eisenkot and Avigdor Lieberman are still undecided. If they unite, as is being promoted in the Hebrew media, this will add a new and more serious challenge to Netanyahu. However, at present, there is still a kind of balance of power between the ruling coalition and the opposition, where the opposition cannot form a government coalition without the support of Arab parties, and it seems that it will not reach the threshold of 61 seats on its own, unless it allies with an Arab party (Mansour Abbas) as a presumed partner, otherwise the balance of the two Zionist camps means entering again into the cycle of successive election rounds.

Regarding Netanyahu's illness, Al-Halsa says that the latter is trying to overcome it propagandistically, by appearing in video clips exercising, in an attempt to show that he is in good health, which reduces the opposition's ability to exploit this issue politically. The issue of his trial also remains a present factor, although some see the illness as a potential entry point for a political settlement, especially in light of the pardon procedures not yet being initiated.

Netanyahu resorting to military escalation before the elections to give him a boost in the elections.

Al-Halsa confirms that, on the other hand, Netanyahu still has other options, including military escalation, whether in the Gaza Strip or Lebanon, in light of the continued regional tension, and perhaps also in the Iranian arena. It is not unlikely that he will resort to a major escalation before the elections, which may reach the point of expanding military operations in Gaza, with the aim of achieving a political or military achievement that will give him a boost in the elections.

Al-Halsa concludes that the scene of political alignments within Israel remains open to multiple possibilities, but the extent of their impact on the balances of the electoral map and its results remains limited according to what opinion polls within Israeli society have shown so far.

Pivotal station

Dr. Adnan Al-Afandi, a specialist analyst in Israeli affairs, believes that the upcoming Israeli elections in Israel are a pivotal station in determining the directions of Israel's internal and external policy, especially after the events of October 7, 2023.

He says that these events constituted a priority for the Israeli voter and what followed October 7th, such as the war with Lebanon and Iran, and the impact of these events on the Israeli voter's point of view.

Al-Afandi emphasizes that voter behavior is one of the most important factors determining election results in Israel, especially in a political system based on party pluralism and proportional representation, noting that voter behavior in Israel reflects an interaction between security, social, economic, and ideological factors.

Al-Afandi points out that October 7th will have a great impact on the Israeli voter through all factors, especially the security and ideological factors, because the religious ideological aspect among Israelis has greatly increased in the last two years, in addition to the security factor, which has become a basic demand for security in Israel, especially after the war with Iran and the extensive rocket attacks on Israeli cities, and in addition to the economic situation that has affected Israelis due to the recent wars, especially with Iran and Hezbollah, all of which will have an impact on voter behavior in Israel.

Israeli right still maintains its alliance

Al-Afandi believes that this will be in favor of the far-right alliance formed by Benjamin Netanyahu, explaining that this alliance is cohesive because its formation is from the most extremist government since the establishment of the entity, and Netanyahu's latest statements, even about the political process and the Palestinian situation, were clear that there would be no political path with the Palestinians. I believe all these matters satisfy the mood of Israelis who will lean towards the far right, therefore

Al-Afandi believes that the Israeli right still maintains its alliance as a result of the clear extremism among the majority of Israeli society after October 7th, and that the map of alliances within the right will be stronger than other alliances in the opposition. Also, as a result of the continuous increase in the relative weight of the ultra-Orthodox Haredi Jews and religious Jews, and also the rise of movements such as Religious Zionism, which will work to strengthen the alliance with the right more strongly than before, and it is worth noting that this alliance has historically existed between Haredi parties and the right for a long time.

Al-Afandi confirms that Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition and government are still cohesive to the utmost extent, despite the revelation of Netanyahu's malignant tumor, and despite the opposition parties having directed and continuing to direct criticism at the hardline right-wing government led by Netanyahu regarding the management of recent wars and the political situation. All these criticisms are confined to the management of the war in general and do not oppose the war itself.

Al-Afandi believes that the map of alliances clearly shows that the right-wing alliance led by Netanyahu will be the strongest, representing the far-right current, in contrast to a center-right current led by Naftali Bennett, which will oppose Netanyahu and his project.

Radical change in political and military realities

Mazen Al-Jaabari, a writer specializing in Israeli affairs, says: The upcoming elections in Israel are fateful elections in which the conflict intensifies, especially after the revelation of Benjamin Netanyahu's malignant tumor.

He adds, this time, the elections do not seem like previous ones, as the political and military reality has radically changed after October 7th, and the revelation of the illness added another complex dimension, making the Knesset battle a referendum on the life and rule of a man who dominated the scene for more than a decade and a half.

Al-Jaabari believes that the main focus of these elections will be the overthrow or survival of Netanyahu, which is the same essence that dominated the recent election rounds in Israel, but this time with the difference that Netanyahu no longer has the cover of a strong security man, after the failure of October 7th and the leaks about his health condition.

Al-Jaabari confirms that since 2009, Netanyahu has been the first prime minister after Ben-Gurion to rule for the longest continuous period, breaking records in Israeli politics. He adds that during this period, he was able to rally the Zionist right and religious movements in his government, placing them in key decision-making positions, from the Haredi budget to the settlement file and also internal security. He monopolized executive power in Israel by transforming the Likud party into a populist right-wing party, but in essence, it became a tool for passing a coalition agenda with small extremist parties that control its decisions and survival. This transformation would not have happened without a radical change in the joints of governance, where professional competencies were replaced by political loyalties.

Al-Jaabari points out that the differences within Israeli society, especially those resulting from attempts to subjugate the judiciary to the right-wing government, have created an irreparable rift. The appointment of most security officials and decision-making circles from right-wing supporters has brought about a structural change within decision-making institutions, where the army, intelligence, and police have become subject to purely political considerations.

Al-Jaabari believes that this situation led the state after October 7th to radical transformations, which were not limited to managing the war in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, but also affected the nature of the state itself. The conflict between the religious and the liberals reignited, with liberals accusing the religious right of dismantling the army through exemption from conscription laws, while the religious believe that liberals are exploiting the war to impose extreme secularism.

Al-Jaabari confirms that the alliance of Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett from the Israeli opposition, and the possibility of forming a broad opposition front with Gantz and Eisenkot for the elections with the support of Mansour Abbas from the United Arab List, is the most likely scenario to turn the tables. He points out that Mansour Abbas, who previously formed a lifeline for the Bennett-Lapid coalition, today finds himself in a position of strength, where he sets his conditions for supporting any camp, which is the biggest challenge for Netanyahu.

Al-Jaabari believes that the probabilities of the upcoming elections are limited to two options: either the removal of Netanyahu and the formation of a transitional government, or the conflict turning violent if the far-right (led by Ben Gvir and Smotrich) refuses to give up its gains achieved during the last three years, especially control over the judiciary and security positions.

Netanyahu's illness, the continuation of corruption trials, and his abysmal failure to achieve any military or political resolution are all factors that will inevitably increase the chances of opponents to overthrow him.

Al-Jaabari concludes that Netanyahu's illness, the continuation of corruption trials, and his abysmal failure to achieve any military or political resolution as he promised in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, are all cumulative factors that will inevitably increase the chances of opponents to overthrow him. But the real question is not just "Will Netanyahu fall?", but what will happen after his fall? In a state whose institutions have been transformed and engineered for the benefit of one man, the vacuum he will leave may be more dangerous than his continued presence.

The elections involve aspects that may be pivotal

Wadih Abu Nassar, an analyst specializing in Israeli affairs, confirms that the upcoming Israeli elections involve many aspects that could be pivotal for the fate of the State of Israel.

He adds: The first aspect concerns Benjamin Netanyahu and his position. While it is true that he announced suffering from health problems, the major problem lies in his pursuit of remaining prime minister despite the ongoing trial against him, especially in light of an offer from the Israeli president to reach a deal between Netanyahu and the prosecution. On the other hand, the government's legal advisor insists that any deal must effectively include Netanyahu's withdrawal from political life.

Abu Nassar points out that there are no direct elections in Israel, and therefore the formation of the government depends on the alliances that will emerge after the elections. This path is fraught with many complexities, especially since opinion polls so far indicate that neither of the two camps, whether pro-Netanyahu or anti-Netanyahu, is able to form a government coalition without support from the other side or the inclusion of at least one Arab party.

Abu Nassar explains that an additional problem is that the vast majority of Zionist parties, especially the right-wing ones, are preoccupied with rejecting the legitimization of Arab participation, which is a very serious matter.

Abu Nassar says that the third problem with the election results is the question of whether the far-right, led by Netanyahu, will accept them. Some doubt this, believing that if this camp loses, it may resort to challenging the integrity of the Central Elections Committee. In this context, the resignation submitted by Orly Adas, the Secretary-General of the Central Elections Committee two days ago, was not surprising.

The indicators seem to be, despite everything, in favor of Netanyahu in particular, and in favor of the right in general.

Abu Nassar confirms that there is also a present security dimension, as Netanyahu is likely to resort to some escalation before the elections, which may affect their results and push towards further rightward shift. So far, the indicators seem to be, despite everything, in favor of Netanyahu in particular, and in favor of the right in general.

Elections contingent on regional, international, and internal transformations

Dr. Thaer Abu Ras, a political analyst specializing in Israeli affairs, believes that the upcoming elections in Israel and their results will be contingent on regional, international, and internal transformations related to Israel.

He says, if we talk about regional transformations, the war on Iran is the most important variable in this context. Until this moment, it seems as if the American-Israeli project in Iran has failed, which negatively reflects on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as he initiated this war.

Abu Ras adds: Netanyahu has always spoken, for many years, about the only solution to confront Iranian influence in the region being a war led by the United States. After years, he got what he wanted, as Israel's strategic situation worsened. Israel is also globally accused of facing a worsening economic crisis, in addition to a decline in its ability to establish its position in the region.

Abu Ras confirms that before the war on Iran, Israelis spoke of themselves as the coming dominant power in the region, but now the talk has begun to shift towards Iran potentially emerging stronger from this war, especially if it reaches an agreement that lifts sanctions, which will further weaken Israel and negatively reflect on Netanyahu in the elections.

Netanyahu has not succeeded in making significant progress

Abu Ras points out that opinion polls show that since the outbreak of this war, Netanyahu has not succeeded in making significant progress; on the contrary, his standing has relatively declined. Therefore, the regional variable is an important factor, as is the international variable, especially if the world enters an economic crisis, particularly with the current energy crisis contributing to rising living costs globally, including within Israel. If these crises are not contained, they will negatively reflect on the Israeli government.

Abu Ras confirms that Israel has not achieved success either in the war on Iran or in controlling internal economic conditions, especially regarding the cost of living. In addition, internal changes that have recently become clear are emerging, most notably the alliance between Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, which strengthens Bennett's position as a main competitor to Netanyahu for the prime minister's office.

He points out that this does not mean that Bennett is the confirmed candidate, but he is the most favored compared to the rest of the party leaders seeking to replace Netanyahu. He also expects the political arena to witness additional alliances, whether between Avigdor Lieberman and Gadi Eisenkot, or the possibility of one of them joining the Bennett-Lapid alliance. If an alliance is formed between the Arab parties, this could, according to opinion polls, lead to the withdrawal of at least two seats from Netanyahu's camp, which will weaken him further.

Abu Ras, on the other hand, expects Itamar Ben Gvir to ally with Bezalel Smotrich, especially since opinion polls indicate the difficulty for Smotrich to cross the electoral threshold on his own. The most prominent question remains about the possibility of forming an alliance between the Arab parties, as if this happens, it could, according to opinion polls, lead to the withdrawal of at least two seats from Netanyahu's camp, which will weaken him further.

Abu Ras concludes that the picture remains unclear, especially with about five months remaining until the elections, but these three variables: regional, international, and internal, will remain the decisive factor in determining the final results.

Fateful elections

Wadih Awawdeh, a political analyst specializing in Israeli affairs, believes that these elections are indeed fateful. Every time it is said that the elections are fateful, but this time it truly seems so for the hardline Zionist right, and for Benjamin Netanyahu in particular, for two main reasons.

The first reason is the extent of internal pressures and increasing criticism, in light of issues such as widespread corruption, escalating violence, declining governance, in addition to the accusations against Netanyahu. All of this weakens the chances of the ruling coalition, which is accused of failure at the internal level, posing a significant challenge to it.

The second reason relates to the external file, as the open fronts since October 7th have not yet been resolved, and an impression is forming among Israelis, Arabs, and the international community that Israel has not achieved a decisive victory, neither in Iran nor in Lebanon, and that the bleeding continues. There is also widespread criticism of the absence of a political component for solutions, the excessive reliance on military force, in addition to the arrogant discourse that has created a gap between expectations and reality.

Awawdeh confirms that the confrontation in Lebanon seems different from what it was previously, as Israel no longer moves freely as in the past, in light of new deterrence equations. He points out that with the entry of drones into the confrontation, a state of frustration and disappointment escalated within Israel, especially with the feeling that political and military decisions are greatly influenced by the United States, raising questions about the independence of Israeli decision-making.

Replacing Netanyahu's image with Trump's image

Awawdeh says: This was reflected in symbolic positions, such as replacing Netanyahu's image with that of the American president in some offices, indicating the extent of external influence. Opinion polls also indicate a decline in Netanyahu's standing and the possibility of his loss, which reinforces the description of these elections as fateful for him.

He adds: This is also related to Netanyahu's image, which he sought to consolidate over the years, as the "security man" and the maker of major transformations in the Middle East, but this image today faces major challenges, with increasing doubts about his ability to fulfill these promises.

Awawdeh believes that if Netanyahu leaves the premiership, it will not be an ordinary event, given the length of his rule compared to most of his predecessors, which will leave a significant impact on the Israeli political scene. Therefore, Netanyahu is fighting a decisive battle to maintain his position and his political legacy in the memory of Israelis, especially since he belongs to a family that cares about writing and documenting history.

A state of sharp division

Awawdeh addresses the internal situation, saying: Israel is witnessing a state of sharp division, with intense debate about Netanyahu's performance, whether regarding the management of the war, internal and external affairs, corruption issues, or maintaining the state's prestige and independence of its decision. Other contentious issues also arise, such as the Haredi issue, which is a sensitive issue in light of the war and multiple fronts.

Regarding his health, Awawdeh says Netanyahu may try to use it politically, either to gain sympathy or to justify some of his decisions. Some also raise the possibility that he might use this issue as a political exit if he feels that his chances of remaining in power are diminishing, by withdrawing from the scene under the pretext of illness, which could open the door to a legal settlement ending his prosecution.

He adds: On the other hand, some opinions within Israel go to other scenarios, including the possibility of questioning the election results if he loses, or even seeking to postpone them by extending the state of emergency, although these scenarios remain controversial and some dismiss them, but they are raised in political discussions within Israel.

Awawdeh concluded by saying: "These factors combined reflect the complexity surrounding the upcoming elections, which may constitute a decisive turning point in the future of the Israeli political scene."