Anxiety is escalating within the Israeli security establishment as the holy month of Ramadan approaches, with serious fears of a resurgence of Palestinian armed operations. This Ramadan is the first to come after the war on the Gaza Strip, which gives it a special character and doubles the security sensitivity for the occupation authorities.

Media sources reported that experts in Tel Aviv view the holy month as a permanent hotbed of tension in the Middle East, where it historically turns into fertile ground for what they describe as incitement to resistance. Security agencies are preparing to confront this scenario by reinforcing the presence of army and police forces in various hot spots to try to thwart any potential escalation.

Israeli propaganda expert, Gadi Ezra, stated that the current preparations are taking place amidst a continuous flow of intelligence warnings indicating intentions to carry out attacks. He explained that the Israeli army is monitoring the situation with extreme caution, emphasizing that the military establishment will not stand idly by in the face of attempts to ignite the situation on the ground.

Ezra pointed out in an analysis published by Hebrew newspapers that the countries of the region are currently preoccupied with shaping the features of the political reality for the day after the war. Despite this regional preoccupation, internal incitement and attempts to carry out operations still pose the most prominent challenge to the security decision-maker in Israel.

The analysis touched upon the fact that condemnations related to changing the status quo in Al-Aqsa Mosque no longer dominate the scene with the same previous force, due to the high level of media noise about other issues. Current discussions are now focusing more on the possibilities of a comprehensive regional war or arrangements for the return of the Palestinian Authority to the Gaza Strip.

Israeli observers believe that the coincidence of Ramadan with a crowded political agenda represents an opportunity to redefine security and political concepts towards Palestinians. The issue is no longer limited to geographical arrangements, but rather relates to how each party perceives the other and the nature of the ongoing existential conflict in the region.

Experts warned that the continuation of what they described as the 'cultural normalization' of resistance work among Palestinians makes armed confrontations legitimate in their eyes during Ramadan. Israeli circles fear that these operations will gain greater legitimacy in the Palestinian street, especially after the bloody events witnessed in Gaza recently.

Israeli analyses called for the necessity of addressing the roots of the problem instead of merely relying on temporary security solutions taken every year. It considered that confronting the cultural factors that fuel Palestinian resistance should become a long-term strategic political goal for the Israeli establishment.

Reports indicate that narratives encouraging the escalation of resistance in Ramadan are widely spread in curricula, media, and social media platforms. The Israeli side believes that monitoring these narratives and trying to neutralize them is a difficult and complex task, but necessary to break the annual cycle of violence.

Ezra stressed that the occupation cannot be content with curbing operations seasonally, but must engage in a 'public awareness' process that imposes clear red lines. This requires a systematic policy that goes beyond the coming month to include careful and continuous monitoring of changes in Palestinian society.

Analysts believe that the first Ramadan after the war has the potential to set a new tone in the conflict if Israel succeeds in achieving its security goals. However, field expectations remain open to all possibilities in light of the boiling situation in the occupied Palestinian territories.

In a related context, Israeli intelligence agencies continue to monitor the protocols of the October 7 attack and its psychological effects on the motivation to carry out new operations. This data is considered an essential part of the emergency plan being prepared to welcome the holy month and secure settlements and major cities.

The sources confirm that the biggest challenge lies in individual operations that are difficult to predict or thwart in advance through traditional technological means. Therefore, intensive military deployment remains the preferred option for the occupation to reduce the chances of success of any armed attack that may target its soldiers or settlers.

In conclusion, the month of Ramadan remains a real test of the occupation's ability to impose calm in the aftermath of the major war on Gaza. While Israel seeks to impose a new reality, the will of the Palestinian resistance remains the variable that disrupts all Israeli security calculations and estimations.

The coming Ramadan seems different; it is the first after the war, intelligence warnings are flowing, and the army is anticipating its arrival with concern and is not standing idly by.

The Prime Minister of the occupation, Benjamin Netanyahu, reiterated that the Gaza Strip will not pose a security threat to his entity in the future, emphasizing that achieving this goal will be done by all available means. Netanyahu clarified in press statements after returning from Washington that his government will not allow a repeat of the events of October 7, making the disarmament of the Hamas movement a fundamental condition for the next phase.

Netanyahu raised the bar for his security demands to include disarming the resistance of light weapons, indicating the necessity of surrendering 'Kalashnikov' rifles, anti-tank missile launchers, and mortar shells. The Prime Minister of the occupation claimed that Palestinian factions no longer possess heavy weapons in the Strip, considering that controlling light weapons is the remaining step to ensure complete security.

In a related context, Netanyahu revealed a strategic direction to reduce reliance on American military supplies and work on building an independent defensive force capable of repelling attacks. He affirmed that relations with the United States will remain based on strategic partnership, but with enhanced self-capabilities of the occupation army to reduce the need for external support in long-term crises.

For its part, the Hamas movement responded to these statements through its leader Osama Hamdan, who affirmed that the issue of Palestinian weapons is not open for discussion as long as the occupation remains on the ground. Hamdan clarified that the resistance is committed to the principle of restoring national rights and achieving freedom, emphasizing that these weapons derive their legitimacy from international law and the will of the Palestinian people.

The Hamas leader denied any official tendency within the movement to freeze weapons or enter into a long-term truce in exchange for compromising the military capabilities of the resistance. He described talk of disarming as mere 'political debate' that does not reflect reality, stressing that the ultimate goal is to establish an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, which requires the retention of defense tools.

Hamdan demanded the complete withdrawal of occupation forces from the Gaza Strip and the deployment of international forces on the border lines for separation and to prevent any future violations of the ceasefire. He pointed out that the occupation has been practicing a policy of genocide for decades and does not need pretexts to continue its aggression, which makes the existence of real international guarantees a fundamental requirement before any other political discussions.

The movement accused the occupation authorities of obstructing all internationally agreed-upon relief and humanitarian pathways, including preventing the entry of medical aid and the rehabilitation of municipal institutions and hospitals. Hamdan also indicated that the occupation refuses to activate the agreed-upon administrative committee and continues to procrastinate regarding withdrawal to the lines specified in previous understandings that included exchange deals.

Resistance weapons are a national and legitimate right that cannot be compromised, and they are linked to the existence and demise of the occupation.

The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates expressed its profound appreciation for the positions adopted by the African Summit during its thirty-ninth session held in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. The Ministry affirmed in an official statement that the summit's outcomes reflect the African continent's historical commitment to supporting the just struggle of the Palestinian people to end the Israeli occupation and establish an independent state.

The African Summit, in its final communiqué, emphasized its absolute rejection of all Israeli plans aimed at forcibly displacing Palestinians from their lands, whether towards Egyptian or Jordanian territories. African leaders considered any attempt at forced displacement a blatant violation of international humanitarian law, necessitating urgent international action to stop it and protect civilians.

In a related context, the Summit reiterated its full support for the State of Palestine's efforts to obtain full membership in the United Nations, considering it a political and legal right that cannot be postponed. Sources indicated that the high-level presence of UN Secretary-General António Guterres at the Summit gave additional momentum to these demands, which aim to correct Palestine's legal status internationally.

The final statement of the African leaders warned of the serious repercussions of the ongoing Israeli blockade on the Gaza Strip, describing the humanitarian situation there as catastrophic and unprecedented. The Summit called on the international community to assume its responsibilities in breaking the blockade and providing urgent relief aid to the population suffering from the ravages of the ongoing aggression and the lack of basic necessities.

It is worth noting that Palestine currently holds the status of a 'non-member observer state' in the United Nations since the famous General Assembly resolution in November 2012, which enabled it to join many international organizations. These African moves complement the General Assembly's resolution in May 2024, which overwhelmingly supported Palestine's right to obtain full membership in the international organization.

The Palestinian Foreign Ministry concluded that this African consensus represents a strong message to the international community about the necessity of ending the occupation and recognizing the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders. The Ministry also praised the African Union's efforts in confronting pressures aimed at changing the positions of the continent's countries towards the Palestinian issue, emphasizing the depth of historical ties between the two sides.

The positions of the African Summit reflect the steadfast historical support for our people's inalienable rights, foremost among them self-determination.

The Palestinian Prisoner's Club expressed its strong condemnation of what it described as 'continuous displays of revenge' carried out by the occupation authorities against prisoners. This stance came after the circulation of video clips showing Israeli security personnel engaging in humiliating violations against detainees inside the Ofer military prison in the occupied West Bank. These practices are taking place under the direct supervision of the far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who continues to publicly incite against Palestinians.

The footage, broadcast by Hebrew right-wing media sources, showed about twenty riot police officers spread out in the prison corridors overlooking the cells. These officers brandished their weapons and detonated sound bombs to terrorize detainees in the morning hours. These provocative steps are part of a systematic policy of tightening restrictions adopted by the Israeli Prison Service for several months against Palestinian prisoners.

The video documented repression forces taking out five detainees with their hands tied behind their backs, where they were forcibly pinned to the ground face down in a humiliating position. These scenes are part of a series of assaults documented by international human rights organizations, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. These measures aim to break the will of the prisoners and turn their daily lives into a continuous hell inside detention centers.

For his part, Abdullah Al-Zaghari, head of the Palestinian Prisoner's Club, affirmed that these filmed operations fall within the context of systematic political revenge against detainees. Al-Zaghari explained that Ben-Gvir's actions and the far-right government not only threaten the lives of prisoners and the Palestinian people but also constitute a stab in the back of international laws. He stressed the necessity of international community action to stop these blatant violations that occur in front of media cameras without deterrence.

In a related context, the extremist minister Itamar Ben-Gvir renewed his calls for imposing the death penalty on those he described as 'terrorists' among Palestinian prisoners. Ben-Gvir expressed his pride in transforming prisons from places that provide minimal rights into real centers of repression, claiming that Israel has brought about a radical transformation in dealing with detainees. These statements coincide with heated discussions within the Israeli Knesset to approve laws that legitimize the deliberate killing of prisoners.

Parliamentary reports indicate that the prisoner execution bill, submitted by a far-right lawmaker, has reached the final voting stages in the Knesset. This legislative trend reflects the escalating extremism within the ruling coalition led by Benjamin Netanyahu. Observers believe that these laws aim to liquidate the Palestinian issue by targeting national symbols behind bars.

In turn, the Hamas movement described what happened in Ofer prison as a 'new war crime' and a blatant challenge to all humanitarian conventions that protect the rights of prisoners. The movement stated in a communiqué that these practices will not weaken the prisoners' resolve but will increase the state of boiling in the Palestinian street. The movement warned against the consequences of continuing these policies, which could lead to an unprecedented explosion of the situation in all occupied territories.

Warnings are increasing from local and international non-governmental organizations regarding the escalating pace of torture and ill-treatment in Israeli prisons. Since the events of October 7, 2023, these organizations have documented horrific testimonies of systematic physical and psychological abuse. These bodies demand an independent international investigation into the conditions of Palestinian detention, especially in the absence of legal oversight over the security units led by Ben-Gvir.

Everything Ben-Gvir and the far-right government are doing not only poses a danger to prisoners but also affects the entire international human rights and legal system.

The Palestinian Ministry of Health in the Gaza Strip launched an urgent appeal, confirming that more than 20,000 patients and wounded individuals are now on waiting lists to travel abroad for treatment. The Ministry explained that the health situation in the Strip has reached a critical stage due to the ongoing siege and the systematic targeting of the medical system.

Medical sources indicated that the partial and restricted operation of the Rafah land crossing is absolutely inadequate for the escalating humanitarian catastrophe. They affirmed that the numbers allowed to leave represent only a very small percentage of cases requiring advanced surgical interventions and specialized treatments unavailable in the besieged hospitals.

The waiting lists include extremely critical cases, among them those with complex injuries and patients suffering from cancer, heart disease, and kidney failure. The Ministry warned that delays in medical evacuations put the lives of these patients at risk and increase the likelihood of death due to a lack of necessary medicines and equipment.

In a related context, the Ministry revealed that it had received harsh testimonies from patients and wounded individuals who managed to leave, stating that they were subjected to unjustified harassment and complications by the occupation authorities. These testimonies included details about humiliating searches and deliberate delays that increased the physical and psychological suffering of travelers.

The occupation authorities had reopened the Palestinian side of the crossing on February 2nd, after militarily controlling it in May of last year. However, movement through the crossing remains subject to very strict restrictions that prevent the natural flow of aid and the exit of urgent humanitarian cases.

For its part, the United Nations Office for Human Rights documented serious violations suffered by those returning to the Strip, with reports of travelers being taken to Israeli military checkpoints. Human rights sources stated that these citizens were subjected to handcuffing and blindfolding, in addition to the confiscation of their personal belongings under threat.

Against the backdrop of these violations, international and Israeli human rights organizations, including the 'Adalah' and 'Gisha' centers, demanded an end to the abusive policies practiced at the crossing. These organizations considered the restrictions on the movement of Palestinians to be part of forced displacement policies and a violation of international laws and conventions.

Despite the massive destruction left by the war, some 80,000 Palestinians registered their names to return to the Gaza Strip, a step that reflects the popular insistence on rejecting displacement. These data confirm the Palestinians' determination to remain in their land despite 90 percent of the civilian infrastructure being out of service due to continuous shelling.

On the ground, occupation aircraft continued their raids on various areas of the Strip, resulting in the martyrdom of 12 citizens on Sunday alone. The raids targeted tents of displaced persons in the Faluja area west of Jabalia, in addition to attacks targeting the vicinity of the Turkish slaughterhouse west of Khan Younis and Beit Lahia.

Medical sources reported the martyrdom of 5 citizens in a direct targeting of a displaced persons' tent in Jabalia, while 5 others were killed in a similar raid in Khan Younis. Medical teams also recorded the martyrdom of citizens in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood and Beit Lahia, amidst the continued intensive overflight of warplanes and drones in the Strip's airspace.

These developments come amidst continuous violations of the ceasefire agreement that began last October, with the Ministry of Health confirming the martyrdom of 601 people since that date. Palestinian forces described this escalation as a serious breach that threatens international efforts aimed at stabilizing the truce and providing relief to the population.

The Ministry of Health reiterated its demand for the international community to intervene immediately to open the Rafah crossing permanently and regularly without Israeli restrictions. It stressed that the right to treatment and travel is an internationally guaranteed right and should not be used as a tool for political pressure or collective punishment against civilians.

The Ministry also appealed to international humanitarian organizations to increase the pace of medical evacuations for critical cases and to provide safe passages for patients. It affirmed that the continuation of the current mechanism at the crossing poses an existential threat to thousands of wounded individuals who need precise surgical operations to save their lives or limbs from amputation.

It is worth noting that the war of genocide waged by the occupation with American support since October 2023 has left a heavy toll exceeding 72,000 martyrs and 171,000 wounded. The war has caused near-total destruction of the health system, making travel abroad the only remaining option for thousands of injured and sick people.

The partial operation of the Rafah crossing does not keep pace with the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe, and patients are subjected to humiliating Israeli harassment procedures.

Israeli occupation Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced that his government's strategic goals in the Gaza Strip are currently focused on achieving a complete and comprehensive disarmament process. Netanyahu indicated that this step aims to end any military capabilities within the Strip to ensure long-term security stability from the Israeli perspective.

Netanyahu clarified in his statements that the requirements for the next phase include the occupation's control over all existing military arsenal, starting from individual weapons such as 'Kalashnikov' rifles, up to heavy and influential weapons such as mortars and anti-tank systems, stressing that disarming the Strip is indivisible.

In a related context, the occupation prime minister revealed an additional condition within the Israeli vision for the future of Gaza, which is the necessity of handing over detailed and accurate maps of all underground tunnel networks. He considered that revealing this military infrastructure is a mandatory passage to ensure that the Strip does not return to posing any future security threat, regardless of the means that will be followed to achieve this goal.

We want to seize all types of weapons, including Kalashnikov rifles, mortars, and anti-tank weapons.

US President Donald Trump announced that member states of the 'Peace Council' have pledged over $5 billion, allocated to support humanitarian operations and reconstruction projects in the Gaza Strip. Trump clarified via his 'Truth Social' platform that these pledges come ahead of the Council's first meeting scheduled for February 19 in Washington, emphasizing that the new international body will play a pivotal role in shaping the future of the region under his direct leadership.

In addition to financial support, the US President revealed the participating countries' commitment to sending thousands of personnel to form an international stabilization force in the Strip, aimed at ensuring security and implementing the provisions of the political plan. Trump stressed that Hamas is required to immediately fulfill its commitments regarding complete disarmament, considering it a fundamental condition for moving forward with redevelopment plans, at a time when reports indicate that Washington alone has pledged $1 billion to fund these projects.

Politically, informed sources confirmed that Israeli Foreign Minister Gidon Sa'ar will participate in the Washington meeting, mandated by Benjamin Netanyahu, who will be absent from the opening session. These diplomatic moves come amid continued Israeli violations of the ceasefire, with medical sources reporting over two thousand martyrs and wounded since the start of the nominal truce last October, amidst destruction affecting about 90% of the infrastructure and homes in Gaza.

The 'Peace Council' plan faces major field challenges, as the Israeli occupation still directly controls over 60% of the Strip's area and is stationed behind what is known as the 'Yellow Line'. The occupation authorities also place obstacles in the way of displaced persons returning, stipulating a ban on the return of any Palestinian who left the Strip before October 7, 2023, in addition to the continued complete closure of the Rafah crossing to thousands of wounded who need treatment abroad.

In a related context, the 20-point plan announced last September indicates that the Council will assume full oversight of international funding management and establish the general framework for reconstruction. With more than 20 countries joining the Council so far, concerns arise about linking humanitarian aid to the imposition of a new security reality, which includes delivering combat equipment to local militias to enforce security, coinciding with actual annexation measures witnessed in the occupied West Bank.

The Peace Council will prove to be the most important international body in history, and I am proud to preside over this body that will manage the future of Gaza.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Francesca Albanese, is facing a new wave of systematic political attacks targeting her professional integrity and independent stance. This campaign comes in the context of continuous attempts to undermine international law, especially concerning the documentation of crimes committed against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. The current campaign relies on a deliberate distortion of a recorded intervention Albanese made at an international forum in Doha, where her words were taken out of context to portray them as hate speech.

Threads of incitement began in France through parliamentary actions led by MP Caroline Yadan, known for her extremist positions in support of Tel Aviv. She promoted an excerpted video showing Albanese speaking about 'the enemy of humanity.' Although the original context of the speech discussed a global system that prioritizes economic interests over rights, the misleading promotion led French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to demand her dismissal. This stance drew widespread criticism given the minister's failure to rely on accurate reports before issuing his official statements.

The pressure was not limited to Paris but extended to include the foreign ministers of Germany, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, who joined the chorus demanding the UN rapporteur's departure. This escalation comes despite French and international media publishing official refutations of the information attributed to Albanese, and the French Foreign Ministry acknowledging a 'distortion' of the content. These actions reflect a political desire to silence human rights voices that have succeeded in attracting the sympathy of millions of students and activists in the West.

In parallel with European pressure, the Donald Trump administration imposed sanctions on Albanese, a move reminiscent of sanctions previously targeting the International Criminal Court and its judges. These punitive measures target Albanese's report, which revealed the involvement of major global companies in funding or economically benefiting from military operations in Gaza. These sanctions reveal Washington's tendency to overthrow any international institution that might place restrictions on the military freedom of action of its allies.

Observers link this campaign to the concept of the 'club of the powerful,' which grants immunity to influential figures and protects systems that violate international laws with impunity. This entanglement is evident in how the global system deals with thorny issues such as the Jeffrey Epstein case, where financial and political corruption intertwines with impunity. The comparison between complicity with international corruption networks and complicity with crimes in Gaza clearly shows how legal institutions are marginalized when they conflict with the interests of major powers.

Albanese is considered a 'nightmare' by her opponents because she is a fearless woman who defends the rights of the vulnerable against the authority of the politically immune. Despite her mandate being renewed by the UN Human Rights Council until 2028, attempts to assassinate her character continue unabated. These attacks go beyond the person of the rapporteur to target the essence of international law, attempting to transform the United Nations into a structure devoid of moral authority if its decisions contradict American or Israeli orientations.

Defending Francesca Albanese at this stage is a duty that transcends appreciation for her personal courage, becoming a defense of humanitarian principles that reject blackmail and falsification. Today, the world is witnessing a conflict between the logic of oppression and the logic of justice, where 'proponents of absolute immunity' seek to silence any voice that ignites awareness among new generations. Steadfastness on Palestinian rights and the implementation of International Court of Justice decisions remains the true test of what remains of integrity in the international system.

Supporting Albanese today is a duty that goes beyond her person; it is support for what remains of principles that refuse to submit to the logic of oppression, falsification, and organized crime.

The town of Tammun in the Tubas governorate, northeast of the occupied West Bank, witnessed a tragic incident, where the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) accused the Palestinian Authority's security services of killing two children from the Samara family. This came after a direct targeting of a vehicle carrying Samer Samara, who is wanted by the occupation, accompanied by his children, leading to a tragedy that shook the region and sparked angry reactions.

Local sources reported that a joint force from the Preventive Security apparatus and the 'Sahm' unit set up a tight ambush for Samara's car, where they fired a heavy barrage of bullets at it. This attack immediately resulted in the martyrdom of 16-year-old Ali Samara, and the injury of his siblings with varying degrees of wounds, while their father sustained a direct injury before being arrested by the security force in a difficult health condition.

In an official statement issued on Sunday evening, Hamas described what happened as a 'serious crime' and a transgression of all red lines, considering it a new black mark in the record of the security services. The movement held the Authority's leadership fully responsible for the repercussions of this incident, warning that the continuation of this approach threatens to tear apart the Palestinian national fabric and serves the occupation's agendas in pursuing resistance fighters.

For its part, medical reports indicated that the injured children were transferred to hospitals in Tubas and Nablus to receive emergency treatment, but the child Samara passed away due to a severe head injury. Dozens of citizens gathered in front of the hospitals in a state of shock and anger, demanding an end to security coordination and the protection of Palestinian families from the aggression of the security services.

In turn, the Committee of Families of Political Prisoners condemned this incident, noting that it comes within a 'systematic policy' aimed at pursuing wanted individuals and resistance fighters without regard for the sanctity of Palestinian blood. The committee affirmed that what happened in Tammun represents a dangerous deviation in the role of the agencies that are supposed to protect citizens, calling for accountability for those involved in the shooting and the immediate release of all political prisoners.

What happened is a serious crime that represents a black mark in the record of the security services, which continue to oppress the people instead of protecting them.

By: Said Arikat

February 15, 2026

News Analysis

The United States insists it has learned the lesson of the post-9/11 era: that the Middle East is a strategic sinkhole, absorbing attention, treasure, and credibility while yielding diminishing returns. In official doctrine and public rhetoric, Washington now claims a different horizon. The priority is the Western Hemisphere, the Indo-Pacific, and the long competition with a rising China. Yet the reality on the ground tells a different story. The U.S. remains tethered to the Middle East not by deliberate design, but by a cycle of crises that repeatedly overrides its own declared strategy. The confrontation with Iran, now approaching a dangerous crescendo, is the clearest proof that America’s “pivot” is more aspiration than policy.

Today’s military posture is not subtle. Two aircraft carrier groups in the region, tens of thousands of American troops, and an expanding network of air defense deployments do not signal routine deterrence. They signal readiness. They suggest that Washington is positioning itself for escalation even as Tehran, at least rhetorically, continues to signal openness to a deal. This is the paradox at the heart of the current moment: the U.S. is preparing for war at precisely the time when Iran appears to be searching for an exit ramp. The mismatch is not merely diplomatic; it is structural. It reveals that Iran is not the only variable shaping the outcome. A third actor sits between Washington’s strategy and its behavior, repeatedly converting negotiation into collapse.

That actor is Israel.

The pattern has become familiar. Every time the outlines of an agreement with Iran begin to emerge—whether on nuclear constraints, sanctions relief, or regional de-escalation—an event intervenes. Sometimes it is a provocation. Sometimes it is a strike. Sometimes it is a new political demand, framed as non-negotiable. The result is always the same: the diplomatic window narrows, mistrust hardens, and the U.S. returns to military signaling. Iran, in turn, concludes that Washington cannot deliver. The negotiations fail not only because Iran and the U.S. distrust each other, but because Israel’s interests are fundamentally misaligned with any durable détente.

Since October 7, 2023, Israel has pursued something larger than retaliation. It sought to reorder the region. The goal was to crush Hamas decisively, to neutralize Hezbollah, to exploit Syrian fragmentation, and to dismantle the Houthis as a strategic nuisance. Beneath these operational objectives lay a grander ambition: to restore an era in which Israel could impose outcomes through overwhelming force, and in which regional actors would internalize Israel’s deterrence as a permanent fact.

But the record, two years on, is far less triumphant than the rhetoric. Israel waged a savage, devastating war in Gaza—one that many observers describe as genocidal in effect—yet it failed to deliver a clean, decisive victory. It expanded pressure on Lebanon, but did not break Hezbollah’s capacity to fight or secure lasting stability on its northern front. It struck repeatedly in Syria, but has not achieved the deeper objective of dividing the country into manageable spheres. It participated in campaigns against the Houthis, yet the movement’s operational resilience and political symbolism remain intact. Most importantly, Israel did not achieve what it implicitly promised: a reassertion of regional control in the aftermath of October 7.

Strategic failure creates a political problem. When a project built on escalation stalls, leaders must either reduce their ambitions or escalate further. For Israel’s current posture, lowering ambition is difficult. The wars have been justified in existential terms; the public has been told that the stakes are survival and the enemy is absolute. In that framework, compromise looks like defeat. The temptation, therefore, is to seek a single, dramatic act that can retroactively validate the entire campaign and restore deterrence at a higher level.

That act is war with Iran.

Iran is not simply another adversary. It is the gravitational center of Israel’s preferred narrative: the sponsor, enabler, and architect of the “axis of resistance.” If Israel cannot conclusively defeat Hamas, cannot neutralize Hezbollah, cannot silence the Houthis, and cannot reshape Syria, then striking Iran—or pushing the U.S. to do it—becomes the one remaining lever that might restore the perception of Israeli dominance. It is the strategic “reset button,” the only escalation large enough to change the story from failure to unfinished mission.

For Washington, this is where alliance management becomes strategic entrapment. The U.S. has legitimate concerns about Iran’s missile capabilities, nuclear thresholds, and regional proxy networks. But those concerns do not automatically justify a major war—especially at a time when American grand strategy demands conserving resources for the Indo-Pacific. A full-scale conflict with Iran would consume munitions, strain logistics, spike energy risk, destabilize global markets, and drain political attention. It would also hand China and Russia a gift: an America once again distracted, overextended, and forced to fight in a theater peripheral to its stated priorities.

Iran understands this logic. Its willingness to negotiate is not surrender; it is calculation. Tehran knows it cannot defeat the U.S. conventionally, but it can make war unbearably costly through asymmetric escalation: attacks on bases, pressure on shipping lanes, regional mobilization, and nuclear acceleration. Iran’s objective is not to conquer, but to outlast—to raise the price of American action beyond what Washington can sustain politically.

This is why deals keep dying on the threshold of completion. A workable agreement would serve U.S. interests by reducing nuclear risk, lowering regional temperature, and freeing American bandwidth for China. But it would undermine Israel’s current strategic narrative, which depends on permanent crisis and the portrayal of Iran as an imminent, uncontainable threat. In other words, a deal strengthens American strategy while weakening Israel’s leverage.

The U.S. now faces a choice it has postponed for decades: whether it will have a Middle East policy, or merely a Middle East reflex. Policy requires defining achievable interests and resisting being drafted into maximalist wars of domination. Reflex means reacting to each escalation as if it were isolated, until the accumulated logic produces a war no one can control. If Washington truly intends to pivot, it must reclaim strategic autonomy. Otherwise, Iran will become the war America drifts into—not because it chose it, but because it could not say no.

 Arab Palestinian Investment Company announced its consolidated preliminary unaudited financial results for 2025. APIC Chairman and CEO Tarek Aggad stated that the company achieved record revenues in 2025 of USD 1.31 billion, marking a 16.84% year-on-year increase. EBITDA rose by 9.06% to reach USD 74.85 million. The group’s net income amounted to USD 14.34 million excluding the impact of the hyperinflation accounting standard in Turkey, which totaled USD 6.68 million. After applying this standard, net profit stood at USD 7.66 million, representing a 5.58% decline year on year. Net profits attributed to the company’s shareholders grew by 1.35% and amounted to USD 8.13 million. Earnings per share amounted to USD 0.05, reflecting a decline of 13.9%, noting that the outstanding shares were increased from 125 million to 160 million shares in 2025.

Total assets in 2025 amounted to USD 992.4 million, an increase of 17.5% over 2024, while net equity attributed to the company’s shareholders amounted to USD 229.3 million, an increase of 21.5%.

Aggad stated that 2025 was an exceptionally challenging year, as the company confronted various significant challenges both locally and regionally due to the ongoing devastating war on Gaza for the third consecutive year, the escalation of Israeli attacks in the West Bank and the persistent economic recession resulting from the Israeli occupation’s withholding of Palestinian Authority funds. Consequently, the Palestinian government was unable to pay the full salaries of its employees or to fulfill its financial obligations to the private sector, which in turn adversely affected the performance of the group’s companies. He added that the Palestinian Authority’s direct and indirect delayed debts to APIC subsidiaries reached unprecedented levels and amounted to approximately USD 150 million in 2025, with an average financing cost of around USD 7.5 million. In addition to the ongoing external headwinds in Turkey resulting from the application of International Accounting Standard #29, where the company incurred non-cash losses of approximately USD 6.85 million in 2025.

Aggad went on to add that despite these challenges, the company delivered acceptable profits for its shareholders and achieved several significant milestones. The secondary offering to APIC shareholders was significantly oversubscribed by 180%, surpassing the targeted capital of USD 30 million to reach USD 54.3 million. This strong response reflects shareholder confidence in APIC’s strategic vision and long-term resilience despite the severe economic and geopolitical challenges facing Palestine and the region. Furthermore, the successful issuance of USD 120 million bond, with the participation of prestigious financial institutions, including the International Finance Corporation (IFC), a member of the World Bank Group, further underscores APIC’s credibility on the global stage and its robust operational efficiency.

Within the framework of a strategic national alliance, APIC, in collaboration with Bank of Palestine and Massader Natural Resources & Infrastructure Development Company, has established TAQA for Sustainable Projects Development Company to enhance sustainable investments in Palestine’s renewable energy sector. Aggad stressed that investing in renewable energy is no longer merely an option but a national imperative, essential for building an independent and sustainable economy. Palestine holds significant potential in solar energy, and through this partnership, it aims to transform natural resources into productive projects that generate added value, create employment opportunities and serve as a catalyst for both economic and social development.

Aggad emphasized that the APIC remains committed to its pioneering role in the communities within which it operates. In 2025, the company allocated around USD 1.2 million to social responsibility, supporting numerous associations and institutions dedicated to orphans, individuals with special needs, mental health, healthcare, education, and youth, among others.

APIC is a public shareholding investment company listed on the Palestine Exchange (PEX: APIC). It holds diversified investments across the manufacturing, trade, distribution and service sectors in Palestine, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Iraq and Turkey through its group of subsidiaries: Siniora Food Industries Company; Unipal General Trading Company; Palestine Automobile Company; Medical Supplies and Services Company; National Aluminum and Profiles Company (NAPCO); Reema Hygienic Paper Company; Sky Advertising and Promotion Company; Arab Leasing Company and Arab Palestinian Storage and Cooling Company. The company also peruses investment and geographic diversification beyond Palestine and across regional and global markets through its investment arm APIC Capital, which manages a portfolio combining direct stakes in private and publicly listed companies alongside investments in a select group of leading private equity and venture capital funds. APIC employs over 3400 staff through its group of subsidiaries. For more information, visit https://apic.ps/

The National Committee for the Management of the Gaza Strip, in a statement issued from the Egyptian capital, Cairo, affirmed that the recent statements from within the Strip regarding the readiness to hand over public institutions are a positive step. The committee clarified that this initiative directly serves the interests of the Palestinian citizen who faces exceptional circumstances, and it also opens the door for new administrative arrangements aimed at stabilizing internal conditions.

The committee considered that these declared positions pave the way for it to fully assume its responsibilities during the upcoming transitional phase. Sources indicated that this approach reflects a desire to unify administrative efforts under one umbrella capable of dealing with current challenges, which contributes to creating an institutional work environment that overcomes the obstacles imposed by years of division and repeated wars.

The committee described the announcement of readiness for an organized transfer of administrative authorities as a 'pivotal station' in the history of administrative work within the Strip, as it represents an actual starting point for exercising its duties as a transitional administration. It stressed that this step provides a real opportunity to stop the accelerating humanitarian deterioration and to work on strengthening the resilience of citizens who have borne heavy living burdens throughout the past periods due to the absence of integrated administrative coordination.

In a related context, the committee set a clear framework for the success of its tasks, emphasizing that it will not be able to effectively assume its responsibilities unless it is granted full administrative and civil powers. It clarified that these powers must include all vital sectors, ensuring the committee's ability to make quick executive decisions that meet the needs of the population and manage available resources with high efficiency, away from hindering bureaucracy.

The committee also drew attention to the necessity of including police and security tasks within its powers, which are necessary to enforce order and protect public institutions and vital facilities in Gaza. It concluded its statement by emphasizing that maintaining internal security in parallel with civil administration is the only guarantee for the success of the transitional phase and preventing any administrative vacuum that could negatively affect the daily lives of citizens or hinder relief and reconstruction efforts.

The announcement of readiness for an organized transfer represents a pivotal station for us to begin exercising our duties as a transitional administration for the Strip.

The Gaza Strip has witnessed a dangerous Israeli military escalation since the early hours of this Sunday morning, as occupation aircraft and artillery launched a series of raids targeting populated areas and displacement camps. These attacks resulted in the martyrdom of at least 11 people in an initial toll, concentrated in the northern and southern areas of the Strip that had been enjoying relative calm under recent understandings.

Field sources confirmed the assassination of Sami al-Dahdouh, a prominent leader in Saraya al-Quds, the military wing of the Islamic Jihad movement, following an airstrike that targeted a site in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood southwest of Gaza City. This assassination operation comes at a sensitive time, putting the fragile ceasefire agreement to a real test amidst the targeting of field leaders of the resistance.

In details of the field massacres, civil defense reported the martyrdom of 5 citizens in a violent raid that targeted a tent sheltering displaced people near the Communications Junction in the Faluja area west of Jabalia. Another 5 were martyred and a number of citizens were injured to varying degrees as a result of shelling that targeted the vicinity of the Turkish slaughterhouse west of Khan Yunis, reflecting the expansion of the Israeli targeting to include the far north and south of the Strip.

Israeli operations were not limited to airstrikes; the occupation army also carried out extensive demolition operations of residential buildings around the Sheikh Zayed roundabout north of Jabalia camp. The destruction operations were accompanied by intense artillery shelling and gunfire from military vehicles stationed in border areas, causing panic among displaced people returning to their homes.

For its part, the occupation army justified this escalation through statements by a military official quoted by international media, claiming that the attacks came in response to what he described as "flagrant violations" by the Hamas movement of the ceasefire agreement. The official claimed that fighters emerged from a tunnel east of the Yellow Line in the Beit Hanoun area, accusing the resistance of committing more than 6 violations of the specified agreement.

In contrast, the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) strongly condemned the new Israeli aggression, considering the targeting of displacement camps a war crime and a blatant violation of the current ceasefire agreement. The movement clarified in a statement that the occupation is trying, through this bloodshed, to impose a new reality on the ground and send political messages that it does not care about international efforts to stabilize the calm.

It is worth noting that this escalation comes amidst the ceasefire agreement that came into effect on October 10, 2025, as part of the first phase of the American initiative to end the war. The agreement had allowed the withdrawal of occupation forces from populated areas and the beginning of the return of displaced people to their areas in the northern Strip, before these raids brought the specter of a comprehensive confrontation back to the forefront.

The occupation continues to commit massacres against the Palestinian people by targeting displacement camps, in a serious violation of the ceasefire agreement and an attempt to impose bloody realities.

Israeli occupation security forces have intensified their field preparations in various West Bank governorates as the holy month of Ramadan approaches. These moves come amid growing security concerns about an escalation in commando operations, with forces launching night raids that resulted in the arrest of 19 Palestinian citizens.

Hebrew press sources reported that the occupation army command decided to deploy 'commando' units from the West Bank division to carry out pre-emptive operations and extensive arrests. These moves aim to tighten security control over vital areas, including the separation wall, settlements, and central roads used by settlers.

In a significant development, the Israeli army began technical training for the first time to use 'Eitan' armored personnel carriers in the alleys and streets of the West Bank. This measure reflects the occupation's desire to enhance the protection of its forces during incursions, benefiting from lessons learned from ongoing military operations in the Gaza Strip.

The security system anticipates the arrival of thousands of Palestinian worshipers at the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque during the Fridays of Ramadan. Accordingly, plans have been put in place to reinforce military presence at the 'Rachel' checkpoint south of Jerusalem and 'Qalandia' checkpoint north of it, to ensure precise monitoring of entry and exit movements.

On the political front, informed sources revealed the Israeli government's intention to approve a decision to begin the 'land settlement' process in the West Bank. This legal procedure aims to convert vast areas of Palestinian property into what is called 'state land,' facilitating their subsequent confiscation.

Leaked plans indicate that the decision will oblige the commander of the Central Command to complete the registration of 15% of West Bank lands, focusing on areas classified as (C). The occupation authorities seek to complete these procedures by 2030, to impose a new demographic and geographic reality that ends any chance of establishing a Palestinian state.

For its part, the United Nations, through the Office of Human Rights, warned that these steps aim to facilitate the forced displacement of Palestinians from their lands. The spokesperson for the office, Ravina Shamdasani, affirmed that the oppressive environment in the West Bank has dangerously worsened since October 7, threatening the lives of thousands of families.

The international organization considered that the expansion of Israeli sovereignty over the occupied territories represents a blatant violation of the rules of international law and the Geneva Conventions. It clarified that the consolidation of the annexation reality on the ground is achieved by narrowing the space available to Palestinians and depriving them of access to their natural resources and agricultural lands.

Earlier, the Ministerial Council (the Cabinet) approved granting the occupation authorities broad powers of oversight and enforcement in areas classified as (A) and (B). These powers allow for the demolition of Palestinian structures and confiscation of property under the pretext of building violations, even in areas administratively under the Palestinian Authority.

On the ground, recent arrests focused on Nablus governorate, where 12 citizens from the towns of Asira al-Shamaliya and Beit Furik were arrested after thorough house searches. Incursions also included the town of Kafr ad-Dik in Salfit, where a citizen and two of his sons were arrested after their home contents were vandalized.

In the southern and central West Bank, arrests targeted young men and boys from the town of Tuqu', the village of Aboud, and the town of Ni'lin, amid physical assaults on residents. These campaigns come at a time when official statistics indicate that there are more than 9,300 Palestinian prisoners in occupation prisons under harsh conditions.

The West Bank is witnessing increasing restrictions on freedom of movement through military checkpoints and iron gates that separate villages from major cities. Human rights reports confirm that these restrictions hinder citizens' access to health and educational services, and cause a near-complete paralysis of economic and social life.

Since the start of the aggression on Gaza, the West Bank has seen 1,112 martyrs and about 11,500 others injured by occupation and settler bullets. Settler attacks on Palestinian villages adjacent to pastoral outposts have also escalated, in an attempt to intimidate residents and push them towards forced displacement.

Observers agree that the occupation is racing against time to impose its full control over the West Bank through two parallel tracks; security and military on the ground, and legal settlement. The international community is called upon to urgently intervene to stop these violations that threaten to ignite the situation unprecedentedly in the region.

The goal is to reduce armed activity through thwarting operations and arrests, so that the adversary always feels hunted.

The least that can be said is that misfortunes do not come singly. After a bold, honest, and transparent reading of the class structure of the fragile financial situation suffered by the Authority, came the warning from Finance Minister Estefan Salameh that this year will be the most difficult in the Authority's history, given the punitive Israeli policies it faces, which rely on drying up its sources and pressuring its raw nerves to embarrass it before removing it from its national roles and responsibilities, which are based on international legal references. These references are being shattered and their arms amputated under the pretext of their obsolescence and corruption, as a prelude to replacing them with the rules of "Little Saint James" Island, known as Epstein's Island.The statements of the minister, an expert in public finance management and attracting external support, were not surprising to those familiar with the Authority's financial, economic, and political conditions. The relationship between economy and politics is like the relationship between a car and its tires; when the air runs out of the tires, the car inevitably runs on its rims, and then, as the brave minister described, all earthly solutions come to an end.Is this an invitation to surrender to fate and succumb to despair regarding changing circumstances and conditions? The answer is a resounding no. The disclosure is an early warning, a knocking on the tank walls before it's too late, just as it is a resounding cry, perhaps touching the hearts and minds of those who survived the abomination of that demonic island, where consciences and universal values were eradicated with unsterilized tools, so that humanity might regain its humanity, heal itself from its diseases, and wash away the impurities that corrupted its soul; for the persistence of the status quo is impossible.The drying up of sources that the minister warned about is not merely a budget deficit, but rather a desperate attempt to "engineer free fall"; so that our salvation from the tyranny of our enemies becomes our goal, and that we beg for our rights at the tables of the wicked on "Devil's Island." The Palestinian Year of Ash does not need miracles, as much as it needs a political will that rejects bartering rights for a loaf of bread, and realizes that the car running on "rims" may stop, but it will soon resume its journey on the path of Golgotha until it reaches its end.

Crime and violence escalate only when there is a vacuum, a nurturing of this vacuum's persistence, an environment that allows its expansion, and the constant draining of society. This is not only for the purpose of social annihilation and the dismantling of our people's societal and national fabric there, but also beyond that, involving projects of expulsion and displacement, changing the demographic reality, and preventing the formation of an Arab national minority with its national and cultural characteristics. The occupation state, with its institutions and governments, views our people there as a "cancerous tumor" that must be eliminated, considering that our Palestinian people there, in any upcoming confrontation that might erupt on more than one front, pose the greatest danger to the occupation state because they exist and are digging into the heart of that state. Therefore, we witness settlement and Judaization projects being re-proposed, and what is happening to the Arabs of the Negev reveals the nature and danger of these Judaization plans, projects, and objectives. The crime and violence that have escalated unprecedentedly in the Palestinian interior -48-, especially after the October 7th/2000 uprising, have made decision-makers in the occupation state formulate their visions and strategies based not only on the "demographic" engineering of our people there, through the dismantling of the national and societal fabrics there, but also on adopting a policy based on pushing a significant portion of the population to emigrate and leave their land. In light of the growing and escalating crime, which our people realize is being fueled by some to keep its "cauldron" boiling and escalating, to divert the attention of our people's masses from focusing on demanding their political, national, economic, and social rights, by preoccupying them with how to protect their existence from this escalating violence and crime that is managed and supported and covered up by external parties, and is being carried out by local tools that are provided with protection and immunity from prosecution, arrest, and even trial, as this is not a political priority for the occupation state. The escalation of crime and the growth of violence in our Palestinian society -48-, which the extremist Minister Amichai Eliyahu commented on by saying, "Arabs kill each other," this extremist who called for bombing the Gaza Strip with nuclear bombs and wiping it off the map, is one of those who fuel violence and crime in our Arab society. The Arab and popular masses and political leaders moved in light of this significant escalation in these crimes and violence, which reached more than 252 murders in 2025. This movement, which constituted a major shift in how to confront these crimes and violence, through a continuous series of marches, demonstrations, popular protests, and sit-ins in squares and public places, even in front of the occupation's "Knesset" and the prime minister's headquarters, posed a major challenge to the occupation state and to organized crime gangs, which saw that they had to prove that all these forms of popular, political, and societal struggle, to uproot them and provide security and stability for Arab cities and villages, would be futile. The project and plan are larger and beyond those gangs, which are employed to serve the political projects of the occupation state, and therefore we have witnessed that these crimes have reached 43 crimes since the beginning of this year, and thus the goal is to create a state of despair, frustration, and loss of trust among the Arab masses there, and to put them before difficult choices, either to bow down and respond to the demands of those criminal gangs and mafias, or to seek protection from the occupation state, or to move towards individual salvation, by emigrating and leaving their land and property. The occupation state, if an operation occurs in the Palestinian interior – 48, carried out by any Palestinian from the West Bank, Jerusalem, or the Palestinian interior, as a reaction to the occupation's crimes against the Palestinian people, the occupation state mobilizes all its security and intelligence agencies and its army, in order to arrest the perpetrator/s, while the crimes and violence against our people, practiced by organized crime, which is supplied with weapons and black money, are overlooked and not prosecuted, in fulfillment of the extremist Minister Amichai Eliyahu's saying, "Arabs kill each other," and this serves our interests and does not constitute a burden on us, as it is one of our goals to dismantle Palestinian society. Organized crime cannot arise or move in a vacuum, and become entrenched and dominant, without an environment that nurtures it and allows it to expand, just like the rampant corruption in the Palestinian Authority, which affects its joints and institutions and finds incubators at the top of its political and security hierarchy. Leaving Palestinian villages and towns in the Palestinian interior without protection is intentional, and the occupation forces do not come to those cities and towns, except when they want to suppress our people's masses on the background of marches or protest demonstrations against the occupation's repressive and abusive policies and practices against our people or its prisoners. These forces and this army do not impose their laws on the networks of weapons and black money, which feed and finance organized crime gangs, and the message is clear to our people: your security is not our priority. The war waged against our Palestinian people – 48 – through chaos, weapons, and blood, is no different from the war of uprooting, expulsion, and displacement waged against our people in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and Jerusalem by force of arms and settler crimes. It is a war intended to "tame" the mind of our people in – 48 – to get used to this reality and coexist with it, and therefore it is necessary to rebel against this reality, a reality of slow attrition war and social annihilation, and the political stance required today is not limited to condemning the killing but points to the root of the problem, the direct responsibility of the occupation state for the spread of weapons and crime and the necessity of organizing our society politically and practically to extract its right to life and security.

A widely circulated video clip revealed horrific confessions made by a soldier in the Israeli occupation army, in which he admitted to committing grave violations, including killing and raping Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip. The soldier appeared in a live conversation via the 'TikTok' application with American content creator Jeff Davidson, speaking arrogantly about the practices of the Israeli forces during the ongoing war of extermination.

During the broadcast, the soldier displayed scenes of massive destruction in the area where he serves within the Strip, proudly pointing out that homes had been completely razed to the ground and no trace of them remained. When the American interviewer confronted him that the Israeli army was responsible for this devastation, the soldier answered in the affirmative without any hesitation or remorse for destroying civilian infrastructure.

The intensity of the discussion escalated when the soldier tried to justify targeting children by showing a picture of a child carrying a weapon, claiming that he found it in one of the demolished houses. YouTuber Davidson responded strongly, emphasizing that the presence of children defending themselves against an invading army never justifies killing or targeting them, holding the occupation responsible for the deteriorating situation in Gaza.

In a shocking moment, the soldier made obscene and dangerous statements, saying: 'We killed women and children,' and then coldly continued: 'And by the way, don't worry, we also rape them.' These documented confessions sparked a massive wave of anger and protest across social media platforms, where observers considered them conclusive evidence of war crimes committed.

Activists and human rights defenders affirmed that this live testimony reflects the doctrine of the occupation army and its soldiers' feeling of complete impunity from international punishment and accountability. Tweeters pointed out that the absolute political and military support provided by the United States and its allies to Benjamin Netanyahu's government is what encourages soldiers to boast about their crimes in front of cameras.

Analysts believed that the soldier's confidence in his speech stemmed from the absence of deterrent legal measures in previous incidents, which created an atmosphere that allows the repetition of these brutal acts. These confessions come at a time when the Israeli media machine is trying to improve its international image, but such clips reveal the true face of military operations in the Strip.

Bloggers stressed that the seriousness of the statements lies in their absolute frankness, which highlights the unspoken suffering of Palestinian civilians under the yoke of occupation. Human rights defenders demanded that this clip be used as a document of condemnation in international courts to ensure the prosecution of those responsible for these heinous crimes and to put an end to the policy of impunity.

In a related context, Human Rights Watch issued its annual report for 2025, which directly and explicitly accused Israel of committing war crimes and acts of genocide. The organization confirmed that what the Gaza Strip and the West Bank are witnessing represents systematic ethnic cleansing that has resulted in the martyrdom and injury of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians.

The international report clarified that the violations monitored during the past year occurred on an unprecedented scale in the modern history of the conflict, warning of the repercussions of international complicity. The organization stated that the international community's silence and the continued flow of weapons directly contribute to exacerbating the humanitarian crisis and expanding the scope of violations against unarmed civilians.

Human rights reports concluded that the confessions of field soldiers terrifyingly match the documentation carried out by international organizations on the ground. Voices are currently rising for the necessity of independent and transparent international investigations to determine the extent of sexual and physical crimes to which detainees and civilians in Gaza are subjected away from the eyes of cameras.

We don't just kill, we also rape them... Don't be surprised, there are no houses here, they have been razed to the ground.

During its weekly meeting held today, Sunday, the occupation government is moving towards approving a step described as dangerous and unprecedented, which stipulates the immediate commencement of land organization and registration operations, known as 'Tabu', in various areas of the occupied West Bank. This initiative is considered the first of its kind since the occupation of the West Bank in 1967, as it directly aims to change the legal status of thousands of dunams and convert them into properties belonging to what is called 'state lands'.

The plan, led by the ministerial trio Yariv Levin, Bezalel Smotrich, and Israel Katz, sets a timeline extending until 2030 to register about 15% of the lands classified as (C). Through this measure, the occupation authorities seek to impose a new legal reality that allows them absolute control over any areas whose owners do not possess definitive proof of ownership, which opens the door for unprecedented settlement expansion under administrative cover.

Data indicates that these moves come in the context of a frantic race with the Palestinian Authority, as the occupation government accuses the Palestinian side of carrying out parallel documentation and organization operations in those areas. The new Israeli decision aims to thwart any Palestinian efforts to establish ownership, considering that the Palestinian move entrenches a field reality that violates the agreements signed between the two parties.

Procedurally, the commander of the Central Region in the occupation army will be tasked with overseeing the commencement of inventory and field survey operations, with the establishment of a specialized administration affiliated with the land registration authority. Legal circles in the occupation government estimate that completing this process comprehensively may require three full decades, given the historical and legal complexities that have accumulated for decades in the West Bank's land records.

This decision carries deep political dimensions, as observers see it as 'creeping annexation' that imposes Israeli sovereignty de facto without the need for a formal and internationally controversial political declaration. By incorporating the occupied lands into the Israeli 'Tabu' system, this geography is administratively and legally integrated with the system applied within the Green Line, undermining any future opportunities for the establishment of a contiguous Palestinian state.

On the economic and settlement front, land registration will provide what is called 'legal certainty' for settlers and settlement companies, facilitating sales, purchases, and infrastructure development. This measure will also enable settlers to obtain mortgage loans secured by these officially registered lands, which previously posed a legal obstacle to them due to unclear ownership records.

The occupation government claims that the purpose of this step is to end the legal stalemate and provide a clear regulatory framework for properties, but the reality indicates a desire to legitimize settlement outposts and facilitate the confiscation of communal lands. The conversion of thousands of dunams into 'state lands' with a legal stroke of a pen will inevitably lead to a radical change in the demographic and geographical map of the West Bank in favor of the settlement project.

In conclusion, this trend represents a dangerous escalation in the tools of Israeli control, where law is used as a tool to entrench the occupation and transform it into a permanent reality. With the implementation of this plan, Palestinian families will face enormous legal challenges to prove their historical ownership before the occupation courts, under a system primarily aimed at dispossessing them of their lands for the benefit of continuous settlement expansion.

This move means that the occupation, even in the absence of a formal political decision for annexation, is effectively imposing its legal and administrative sovereignty on the land through bottom-up sovereignty pathways.

Israel today is undoubtedly a powerful state. It possesses immense military strength, advanced technology, and a resilience forged through decades of conflict. However, Israel suffers from a deep dysfunction — politically, ethically, and strategically. Israel, and we, the people of Israel, are trapped in a vicious cycle of fear, domination, and recurring wars, a cycle that produces neither security, legitimacy, nor hope.

This situation was not a surprise. More than a century ago, Ahad Ha'am (Asher Ginzberg), one of the most prominent Jewish Zionist thinkers, warned that if Jewish sovereignty were separated from Jewish ethics, it would undermine itself. Ahad Ha'am was not opposed to power, but he insisted that power be constrained by moral responsibility. Today, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that Israel has ignored this warning — and it is paying the price, a price that will continue to rise over time.

The gap between Ahad Ha'am's vision and the political reality that has taken shape over many years under Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel's longest-serving prime minister, is enormous. Ahad Ha'am presented a philosophy based on moral self-restraint, human dignity, and responsibility towards the other. Netanyahu, on the other hand, has overseen a political strategy based on a permanent state of emergency, the normalization of occupation, and the reduction of politics to security management, leading today to the illegal annexation of Palestinian territories.

This contradiction is not theoretical; it lies at the heart of the ongoing Israeli crisis.

Ahad Ha'am: Sovereignty as a Moral Test

Ahad Ha'am rejected the idea that Zionism was merely a reaction to antisemitism or a project for a state for its own sake. For him, Zionism was an ethical experiment. Jewish sovereignty was not the end of the road, but the beginning of a test. He wrote: “The state is not the beginning of salvation, but its test.”

In his famous 1899 essay, “The Truth from the Land of Israel,” Ahad Ha'am shattered the myth of the “empty land.” Like Jabotinsky later, he insisted that the Arab population in Palestine was real, deeply rooted, and would resist injustice. “The land is not empty; it is inhabited,” he warned, adding that mistreating the local population would ultimately destroy the moral legitimacy of the Jewish national project. This warning has proven painfully true.

For Ahad Ha'am, Jewish nationalism could only remain alive if it remained connected to universal human values. Power that abandons ethics does not strengthen Zionism; rather, it empties it of its content from within.

Netanyahu's Zionism: Power Without Direction

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu represents the exact opposite approach. His political vision has been almost entirely shaped by the language of threat, deterrence, and personal political survival. Over many years in power, Netanyahu has transformed Israeli politics into a permanent state of emergency, where ethical questions are treated as irrelevant luxuries, and long-term political solutions are indefinitely postponed.

Netanyahu was clear in his rejection of Palestinian sovereignty. In 2015, on the eve of elections, he explicitly declared: “There will be no Palestinian state under my watch.” Despite his subsequent attempts to rephrase this statement for an international audience, his policies since 2009 have consistently reflected this position. The refusal to pursue a viable political solution was central to his leadership — and central to its failure. This path did not produce security but led directly to October 7, 2023.

Instead of viewing sovereignty as a moral responsibility, Netanyahu treats power as an end in itself. His speeches are saturated with historical trauma and existential fear. At the United Nations in 2012, holding up a cartoon of a bomb, he said: “History's lesson is clear: appeasement only brings more violence.” The message is constant: self-restraint is weakness, compromise is dangerous, and ethical thinking is naivety. With this approach, he corrupted an entire society.

Normalization of Occupation

Under Netanyahu's leadership, the occupation of the West Bank and Israeli control over Gaza are no longer temporary realities. They have become normalized, bureaucratized, and largely detached from ethical debate. Settlement expansion has accelerated, especially in the last two years, Palestinian political prospects have faded, and the two-state solution has eroded to the point of being unviable.

This is precisely what Ahad Ha'am feared. He warned that domination over another people would corrupt the occupier as much as it would provoke resistance from the occupied. Israel today is more militarized, more polarized, and more resistant to ethical criticism than ever before. The occupation is no longer discussed as a moral dilemma but managed as a technical and security problem. However, October 7 must teach us that this conflict cannot be “managed” — it was never manageable — but must be resolved.

Netanyahu refused to address the conflict constructively, repeatedly portraying it as inevitable. “We have no partners for peace,” he said in various forms, using Palestinian hostility to justify permanent control. This logic transforms political conflict into a permanent state and, according to his logic, exempts Israel from the responsibility of building a different future.

In July 2024, the International Court of Justice reached a conclusion that many Israelis had long avoided acknowledging: that the Israeli occupation has become permanent in nature, and therefore illegal under international law. The court ruled that Israel must end the occupation, dismantle settlements, and pay reparations, and that other states must not recognize or assist the illegal situation. Ahad Ha'am would have read this ruling as a result of moral collapse, not international bias or antisemitism, as in Netanyahu's usual emotional responses.

Gaza: The Failure of Power Alone

The bankruptcy of Netanyahu's approach is nowhere more evident than in Gaza. Years of blockade, repeated wars, and collective punishment have produced neither deterrence nor security, but despair, extremism, and endless cycles of violence.

Netanyahu publicly defended this policy. In 2018, he said: “Whoever wants to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state must support strengthening Hamas.” This was not a slip of the tongue, but revealed a deliberate strategy: maintaining Palestinian division and permanent conflict to avoid any political solution.

Ahad Ha'am warned that power might temporarily suppress symptoms, but it would not erase grievances rooted in injustice. Power without a moral horizon does not resolve conflict — it tries to manage it indefinitely, at a heavy human cost on both sides, as we have witnessed over the past eighteen months.

The Erosion of Jewish Ethical Language

Perhaps the most dangerous legacy left by Netanyahu is the erosion of Jewish ethical language in Israeli politics. Calls for ethics, self-restraint, and universal human values are now portrayed as naive, foreign, or even treasonous. Zionism has been reduced to mere survival. And “Zionist responses” have come to mean acts of violence against Palestinians and land grabs.

Ahad Ha'am vehemently rejected this reduction. He saw that the strength of Judaism lay precisely in its ethical demand. He wrote: “Judaism is not confined to rituals, but is an ethical vision of the world.” Abandoning this vision in the name of power was, in his view, a betrayal of the revival of the Jewish nation.

Netanyahu, on the other hand, allied himself with messianic and extremist nationalist forces that openly reject universalism. Thus, Israel now speaks the language of power, while gradually losing its moral credibility — among its citizens, among world Jewry, and among its allies. And this is Netanyahu's crime against the Jewish people.

A Choice, Not Fate

Israel's situation is often presented as inevitable: a hostile region, an unrelenting enemy, and no choice but force. Ahad Ha'am rejected this determinism. He believed that nations choose their character, and that moral failure is not fate but a decision.

Netanyahu's leadership represents a choice: short-term political survival instead of long-term vision; conflict management instead of resolution; fear instead of responsibility. Israel today is militarily stronger than ever — but more isolated, divided, and morally exhausted than ever in its history.

The Unending Test

Ahad Ha'am did not oppose Jewish sovereignty, but he demanded that it be worthy of its name. He understood that power would come — and that when it came, it would test the Jewish people's ability to govern justly.

And this test is failing today.

The difference between Ahad Ha'am and Netanyahu is not between idealism and realism, but between ethical realism and political opportunism. One understood that justice is an asset of security and strategy; the other treats it as a burden.

Israel does not need another strong leader. Rather, it needs leadership that restores Zionism's moral backbone — leadership that understands that domination is not security, that occupation is not destiny, and that Jewish power without Jewish ethics is ultimately self-destructive power.

Ahad Ha'am presented this vision more than a century ago. Benjamin Netanyahu's long years in power have painfully demonstrated what happens when it is ignored.

Dr. Gershon Baskin, Middle East Director for the International Communities Organization, and Co-Chair of the Two-State Alliance.

The Israeli occupation authorities recently launched a series of escalating measures in the occupied West Bank, aimed at changing the legal and political status quo that has existed for decades. These steps seek to extend control over vast areas of land classified within Areas (A) and (B), which were administratively under the Palestinian Authority according to signed agreements.

The new decisions included allowing settlers to directly own land in those areas, while abolishing the Jordanian legislation that previously regulated land ownership. Observers and Palestinians describe these moves as a 'creeping annexation' process aimed at imposing full Israeli sovereignty over what remains of the Palestinian geography in the West Bank.

Earlier this week, the Israeli government approved the expansion of oversight and enforcement powers to include Areas (A) and (B), giving its agencies the green light to carry out demolition and confiscation operations. This measure is a clear violation of the 'Oslo II' agreement signed in 1995, which granted Palestinians full or civil control over these areas.

Field data indicates that the occupation has exploited the international community's preoccupation with the ongoing war of extermination in the Gaza Strip since October 7, 2023, to intensify its aggressions. These aggressions varied between unprecedented settlement expansion, forced displacement operations, and the killing and arrest of citizens in various cities and villages of the West Bank.

For his part, the head of the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission, Moayad Shaaban, affirmed that these decisions represent a radical coup against all previous international understandings. He explained in press statements that Benjamin Netanyahu's government seeks to fire the 'last bullet' at the Palestinian state project by destroying the foundations upon which the Oslo agreement was built.

Shaaban pointed out that the occupation has already begun direct intervention in archaeological sites located within Areas (A) and (B), attempting to annex them to the 'Israeli Antiquities Authority'. This trend means that waves of demolition and confiscation will no longer be limited to Area (C), but will extend deep into crowded Palestinian cities and towns.

The Palestinian official stressed that the ruling right-wing coalition in Israel has set a clear plan based on three axes: expanding settlements, legalizing illegal outposts, and giving Palestinians the choice between death or expulsion. He considered that international silence towards these practices encourages the occupation to proceed with its alleged biblical project.

In a related context, Khalil Tafakji, an expert in settlement affairs, explained that the current Israeli policy strategically aims to prevent the establishment of any independent Palestinian entity. He indicated that Israel has set aside the transitional provisions in Oslo and used administrative divisions as a tool to expand the influence of settlements.

Tafakji clarified that there is a huge gap between the built-up area of settlements and their 'sphere of influence' controlled by the occupation forces, with the latter exceeding 60% of the West Bank's area. He stressed that Palestinian popular steadfastness, despite its importance, needs clear political plans to confront this settlement encroachment that does not want any Palestinian presence.

As for political science professor Ali Al-Jarbawi, he presented a different reading of the fate of the Palestinian Authority, considering that Israel does not seek to completely end the Authority at the present time. Al-Jarbawi believes that the Israeli goal is to 'undermine' the Authority and turn it into an administrative tool that provides services to the population without having any sovereignty over the land.

Al-Jarbawi added that the occupation adopts a strategy of 'legal expulsion' when it is unable to carry out physical expulsion, by confining Palestinians to geographically fragmented enclaves. This plan aims to legally separate the population from the land and prevent any possibility of claiming political rights within one or two states.

Analyzes indicate that the recent Israeli decisions in the city of Hebron, and the transfer of municipal powers to the so-called 'Civil Administration', are a model for what will be generalized. Palestinian institutions are gradually being stripped of their powers in favor of settlers and Israeli military bodies, in an actual annexation process that does not await an official announcement.

Experts and officials called for the necessity of launching a comprehensive national dialogue that brings together all Palestinian forces to formulate a unified strategy away from traditional divisions over the feasibility of old agreements. The new reality imposed by Israel requires confrontation tools commensurate with the magnitude of the existential threat facing the Palestinian cause.

Sources concluded that Israel considers the West Bank to be the 'real arena of conflict', and deals with it as part of the alleged 'Kingdom of Judea and Samaria'. Accordingly, the legal and civil measures taken recently are not just fleeting decisions, but rather a decisive resolution of the conflict over the land and a final liquidation of any political horizon.

What is happening represents an actual coup and the firing of the last bullet at the Oslo agreement by targeting the areas that were described as Palestinian sovereignty.

The intensity of political tensions within Israel escalated following the public attack launched by US President-elect Donald Trump on Israeli President Isaac Herzog. Circles close to the presidency directly pointed fingers at Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, considering him the primary mover behind these external pressures aimed at securing a legal pardon in the corruption cases he faces.

Media sources reported that Herzog's office is in a state of shock due to Trump's statements, in which he described the Israeli President's stance as 'shameful'. Questions are currently circulating about the nature of the understandings between Netanyahu and Trump, and whether the latter received political promises in exchange for exerting this public pressure on the Israeli presidency.

Press reports stated that Herzog is currently awaiting official and direct clarifications from Netanyahu regarding his role in 'heating up' and inciting Trump. Those close to the President believe that the Prime Minister's silence or involvement in this incitement represents a stab at the sovereignty of the Hebrew state and the independence of its judicial and political decisions in the face of external powers.

In contrast, the Prime Minister's office quickly denied any connection to Trump's statements, emphasizing that the government does not interfere in pardon decisions, which fall within the President's prerogatives. However, this denial did not calm the opposition and political entities that saw a suspicious harmony between the timing of the American attack and Netanyahu's personal and legal interests.

Transportation Minister Miri Regev, close to Netanyahu, entered the fray by attacking Herzog in what was described as harsh language, stating that the President should be ashamed of delaying the pardon. Regev said that the circumstances the country went through after October 7 necessitated ending Netanyahu's legal cases to ensure political stability.

For his part, former Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman criticized American interference in internal affairs, warning against sliding into complete dependence on Washington. Lieberman recalled the stance of former Prime Minister Menachem Begin, who firmly rejected any American dictates, emphasizing that the dignity of the presidency is a matter concerning every Israeli citizen.

On the analytical front, political observers warned that Herzog's submission to these pressures would turn Israel into something akin to a 'banana republic' whose decisions are managed from the White House. Analysts pointed out that undermining the prestige of the presidential office weakens state institutions and makes them hostage to external and internal political blackmail alike.

Sources explained that the current crisis revealed the depth of the rift between the political and presidential levels, where trust has been completely lost between the two parties. Observers believe that Netanyahu is seeking to exploit his close relationship with Trump to overcome legal obstacles that he failed to resolve through local legislative and judicial channels.

In a related context, Hebrew media sarcastically wondered whether Herzog would find himself forced to respond to Trump's demands to avoid further media and political attacks. These outlets considered that the current battle is not just a dispute over a judicial pardon, but a battle over the independence of Israeli decision-making in the face of the incoming American administration.

The reports concluded by noting that the pardon process may not be legally affected by Trump's statements, but it has put Herzog in an embarrassing position before public opinion. If he grants the pardon, he will appear to have succumbed to threats, and if he rejects it, he will face an early clash with the new American administration, on which Netanyahu is heavily relying.

If it turns out that Netanyahu is behind Trump's statements and that he incited him, this represents a serious crossing of red lines.

Hebrew media reports revealed orders from the Israeli occupation army command to deploy additional military units to various governorates of the occupied West Bank. These movements come in the context of intensive security preparations carried out by the occupation coinciding with the approaching holy month of Ramadan.

Sources reported that the tasks assigned to these units include carrying out preemptive arrests and expanding the scope of military deployment around illegal settlement outposts. The army will also intensify its presence on the main roads connecting Palestinian governorates to ensure the protection of settler movements.

In a related field context, occupation forces carried out a series of widespread raids at dawn today, Sunday, targeting several towns in Nablus governorate, resulting in the arrest of 12 citizens. The arrests were equally distributed between the towns of Asira al-Shamaliya and Beit Furik, located in the eastern part of the city.

Ramallah and Al-Bireh governorate witnessed similar military movements, where occupation forces arrested a child and a young man after raiding their homes in the village of Aboud and the town of Ni'lin. These raids involved thorough searches and destruction of the contents of the homes raided by soldiers.

In the town of Birzeit, north of Ramallah, a military force raided a student dormitory, conducting extensive searches and tampering with the belongings of its residents. Despite the intensity of security measures in the area, no arrests were reported among students during this raid.

As for Salfit governorate, the arrest campaign affected a citizen and his two sons after raiding their home in the town of Kafr ad-Dik and assaulting family members. Eyewitnesses confirmed that occupation soldiers deliberately destroyed furniture and private property in the house before withdrawing and taking the detainees to an unknown destination.

Jenin governorate was not immune to this escalation, as occupation vehicles raided the towns of Silat al-Harithiya and Deir Abu Da'if, and the villages of Bir al-Basha and Beit Qad. The forces raided and provocatively searched a number of homes, without these raids resulting in announced arrests so far.

Regarding settler attacks, extremist groups attacked Palestinian homes in Khirbet al-Hamma in the northern Jordan Valley under direct protection from the occupation army. Settlers began intimidating Palestinian families residing in the area in an attempt to pressure them to leave their lands.

Local sources reported that occupation forces arrested a citizen from the Jordan Valley area and detained him for several hours, during which he was subjected to physical and psychological abuse. The citizen was later released, with clear signs of assault on him as a result of the harsh treatment he received.

In another development, settlers severely beat a Palestinian young man in the Wadi al-Hajj Issa area, located between the villages of Aqraba and Jurish, south of Nablus. The assault occurred while the young man was on his land, which prompted the intervention of residents to repel the settler attack, who fled under the protection of army forces.

Additional military units will participate in arrest operations and securing settlement outposts and main roads in the West Bank.

The Israeli Ministerial Committee for Political and Security Affairs (the Cabinet) has approved a series of dramatic decisions aimed at bringing about fundamental changes in the structure of land administration in the occupied West Bank. These steps, approved on February 8th, are intended to accelerate the pace of settlement expansion and facilitate settlers' control over Palestinian properties through new legal and administrative tools.\n\nThe new package included the annulment of the Jordanian Law, in effect for decades, which prohibited the sale of Palestinian lands and properties to Jews or unregistered local companies. Under this amendment, settlers can now directly purchase land in the West Bank as individuals, without the need to circumvent the law through the establishment of intermediary companies, as was previously the practice.\n\nIn a move that ends security and political oversight of real estate transactions, the Cabinet decided to abolish the requirement for prior approval to carry out purchase operations. This oversight system used to verify the authenticity of documents and prevent forgery, in addition to ensuring that individual settlement initiatives did not conflict with the general governmental policies of the Hebrew state.\n\nThe decisions also included declassifying land registers (Tabu) and opening them for public inspection, a measure that observers warned would facilitate the seizure of absentee properties or manipulation of private ownership. These registers were kept strictly confidential to protect the privacy of Palestinian owners and prevent the exploitation of legal loopholes by settlement associations that had lobbied for years to achieve this breakthrough.\n\nOn the ground, the Cabinet approved expanding the scope of work of the Civil Administration's enforcement agencies to include areas classified as (A) and (B), which are nominally under the civil administration of the Palestinian Authority. This decision gives the occupation authorities the green light to carry out demolition operations and halt construction in the heart of Palestinian communities, thereby bypassing the divisions of the Oslo Accords signed in 1993.\n\nSources reported that the new enforcement powers will focus on three vital areas: heritage and archaeological sites, environmental violations, and water issues. These pretexts allow Israeli bodies to intervene directly in Palestinian development projects and issue demolition orders under the guise of protecting archaeological sites or preventing environmental damage, thus reducing the area available for Palestinian urban growth.\n\nIn Hebron, the Council decided to withdraw licensing and construction powers in the Ibrahimi Mosque area and the vicinity of settlements from the Hebron Municipality and transfer them to the Israeli Civil Administration. This step is a direct violation of the Hebron Protocol signed in 1997, which grants the Palestinian Municipality exclusive rights to planning and construction within the city limits.\n\nThe transfer of powers in Hebron aims to enable the Israeli government to expand existing settlement outposts and establish new settlement units without the need for approval from Palestinian authorities. This decision also facilitates construction changes in the Ibrahimi Mosque and its surroundings, which had faced continuous legal and administrative opposition from the Hebron Municipality and human rights organizations.\n\nIn parallel, the Cabinet decided to establish a special directorate to manage 'Rachel's Tomb' site in Bethlehem, with independent government budgets allocated for its development. This step aims to strengthen religious and political control over sensitive sites in the heart of Palestinian cities, similar to the municipal committee previously established to manage settler affairs in Hebron with direct funding from the Israeli Ministry of Interior.\n\nDefense Minister Yoav Gallant and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, in a joint statement, indicated that these decisions aim to remove "bureaucratic obstacles" that have persisted for decades. The ministers considered these steps to reshape the legal reality in the West Bank in a way that serves the settlement project and makes it difficult to reverse these measures in any future political settlements.\n\nThese trends reflect a shift in the Israeli approach towards the West Bank, where temporary military orders are being replaced by structural legal changes that approach the concept of "creeping annexation." Since the West Bank is not subject to official Israeli sovereignty, the implementation of these decisions will be through military orders issued by the regional commander under direct guidance from the political level.\n\nThe decision also included reactivating a government mechanism for land purchase through the "Government Property Officer" in the West Bank, an apparatus that operates in parallel with the Israel Land Authority. This step revives practices that were common in the 1970s and 1980s, as the Hebrew state now seeks direct purchases from Palestinians through official and public channels.\n\nLegal experts warned that the abolition of oversight on real estate transactions would open the door wide to fraud and forgery in the absence of legal protection for original owners. Most land transactions in the West Bank occur under complex circumstances, often under economic or security pressures, making the abolition of the "purchase permit" a tool to legitimize illegal seizure.\n\nThese decisions come at a time when the Knesset is witnessing parallel moves to legislate laws expanding Israeli archaeological oversight in Palestinian Authority areas. It appears that the Israeli government has chosen the direct executive path through the Cabinet to accelerate the imposition of facts on the ground without waiting for the completion of lengthy legislative procedures in parliament, thereby deepening the already exhausted Palestinian sovereignty crisis.\n\nThese decisions seek to remove obstacles that have existed for decades; thereby reshaping the legal and civil reality in the West Bank.

Hebrew media sources revealed that instructions have been issued by the leadership of the occupation army to deploy special 'commando' units to reinforce military operations in various West Bank governorates. This move comes amid escalating field tensions since the beginning of this year, as the occupation's security apparatus seeks to intensify its grip on Palestinian cities and refugee camps through elite units.

Press reports, quoting military sources in 'Yedioth Ahronoth', stated that these movements are part of a broad security plan aimed at carrying out 'preemptive' arrest campaigns. Through these raids, the occupation seeks to undermine any opportunities for field escalation or popular activity as the holy month of Ramadan approaches, which the security system considers a period of high security sensitivity.

The so-called 'Judea and Samaria' division has already been reinforced with additional elite units that have begun carrying out night and dawn raid missions in several areas. These units work in coordination with forces deployed in the field to accelerate the pace of reaching desired targets and expand the scope of operations to include areas that were not within the direct daily targeting circle.

In addition to the 22 battalions currently deployed throughout the West Bank, the army leadership is considering deploying additional units and intensifying military presence at major checkpoints. This plan particularly focuses on roads leading to the occupied city of Jerusalem, with the aim of tightening the noose on the movement of Palestinian citizens and preventing worshippers from reaching the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque.

Since the beginning of 2026, the West Bank governorates have witnessed an unprecedented wave of raids that have targeted dozens of Palestinians in their homes. These campaigns focused on the northern camps and southern villages, where they were accompanied by violent field confrontations amid continued strict movement restrictions and increasing settler attacks protected by occupation forces.

In a related context, the occupation's concerns are growing regarding the possibility of military supplies or 'arms smuggling' across the borders and through the 'Green Line'. These fears have prompted the security apparatus to tighten technological surveillance and use advanced monitoring methods at all crossings, in an attempt to prevent the growing capabilities of the resistance in the cities of Nablus, Jenin, and Tulkarm.

This scene, bristling with military reinforcements, indicates that the West Bank is heading towards a highly dangerous and sensitive phase in the coming weeks. With the intertwining of field military pressures and continuous provocations, the Palestinian street faces a real test of steadfastness in the face of this assault aimed at breaking the will of popular and field resistance.

Military movements come as part of an intensive security plan aimed at carrying out preemptive arrest campaigns to contain any potential escalation as Ramadan approaches.

The European Broadcasting Union (EBU) has officially announced the cancellation of the 'Eurovision Tour' events associated with the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest, amid a growing wave of protests against Israel's participation in the upcoming edition. In a statement, the EBU confirmed that this decision came as a result of continuous pressure and widespread objections due to the genocidal war waged by the occupation in the Gaza Strip, which complicated the organizational landscape of the international competition.

Recent days have witnessed an escalation in the official stances of several member states, with five countries – Spain, the Netherlands, Ireland, Iceland, and Slovenia – announcing their complete boycott of the competition. Sources indicated that this collective withdrawal made it impossible to proceed with organizing the tour, which was planned to be one of the largest promotional events in the contest's history, and was scheduled to begin after the official competitions next May.

For his part, Eurovision Song Contest Director, Martin Green, stated that the organizers faced unprecedented challenges that prevented the implementation of the planned arrangements, noting that the team and producers made significant efforts to overcome obstacles but to no avail. Green added that the focus will now be on trying to salvage the 70th edition of the competition scheduled to be held in the Austrian capital, Vienna, despite the sharp division caused by Israeli participation.

The roots of the crisis date back to the 95th General Assembly of the European Broadcasting Union held in Geneva last December, where it was approved to allow Israel to participate despite popular and official demands for its exclusion. This decision sparked widespread anger in European artistic and cultural circles, prompting the public broadcasters in the five aforementioned countries to take a decisive stance by withdrawing in solidarity with the victims in the Palestinian territories.

It is worth noting that the Eurovision Song Contest has faced increasing pressure since last year to adopt a stance similar to what it took towards Russia after its crisis with Ukraine. However, the EBU's insistence on including Israel has put the competition in a moral and organizational dilemma. Artistic circles are awaiting the outcome of events in Vienna next May, amid expectations of continued field protests and additional withdrawals that could threaten the continuity of the competition in its usual form.

We made a difficult decision to cancel the European Tour due to unexpected challenges that we were unable to overcome.

In a national moment fraught with anxiety, I listened with deep interest – not as a fleeting protocol – during a visit that brought me together with the Minister of Education, Dr. Amjad Barham, and the Undersecretary of the Ministry, Dr. Basri Saleh, to a frank and open discussion about the reality of education in Palestine. The conversation was neither cosmetic nor defensive, but a direct confrontation with a question many avoid: Are we still managing education, or are we managing a crisis?

What I concluded is that our educational crisis is not merely administrative, nor solely union-related, nor exclusively financial. We face a structural gap between the student's right to education and the teacher's right to a salary and professional dignity. The imbalance begins when one of these rights becomes a tool to pressure the other. Education should not be reduced to a salary item, just as the teacher should not be asked to bear the burden of financial collapse alone. The issue is deeper: it is an equation of national balance.

Let's speak in numbers before emotions. In Palestine, there are about 1.4 million male and female students in schools, within approximately 3,200 schools, supervised by nearly 62,000 male and female teachers. In the West Bank alone, the number of public school students exceeds 600,000. Any disruption in the regularity of education does not affect an institution; it affects society as a whole.

When attendance turns into two or three days a week, we lose approximately 40–50% of the actual instructional time. This is not a gap in the timetable, but a gap in the future of the economy, in societal awareness, and in the youth's ability to endure. A school is not just a roof and walls; it is a daily social contract between the state and society.

Amidst this scene, a fundamental conviction emerges: the school principal is the pivot point. They are the true leader within the institution, educationally and ethically. But we demand leadership from them without providing them with sufficient tools. We place them in confrontation with societal anger, union pressure, and administrative complexity, then demand that they perform miracles. We cannot place a leader on a burning front without clear powers and solid institutional support.

In light of the disruption and instability, talking about a perfect, complete program becomes unrealistic. What is required is to manage a "smart minimum" of education: strict focus on basic skills – Arabic, English, Mathematics, Science – especially in the early grades. Saving the basics is saving the cognitive structure of an entire generation.

Among the practical proposals to reduce losses is to utilize experienced retirees and volunteers with a sense of national duty to support classroom and extracurricular activities, without infringing upon the rights of regular teachers. Palestinian society historically has not abandoned its school when it felt it was in danger, but volunteering must be organized and framed, not emotional improvisation.

As for higher education, the picture is no less sensitive. We have more than 220,000 university students distributed among over 50 higher education institutions. Universities primarily rely on tuition fees for funding. With delayed salaries or partial payments, thousands of families become unable to pay installments. Here, the student does not just lose a lecture; they lose an entire life path.

The cost of salaries for the education sector reaches tens of millions monthly, as the cost of one academic semester alone can be about 40–45 million shekels in salaries. In a chronic liquidity crisis, the regularity of education becomes dependent on limited and threatened financial capacity.

But we must put things in their broader context: we manage education under occupation. An occupation that controls resources, restricts movement, deducts revenues, and keeps the economy in a state of permanent fragility. In such a reality, traditional solutions are not enough. An exceptional situation cannot be confronted with ordinary tools.

Here, the importance of creative solutions emerges. One of the important steps taken by the Ministry, under the guidance of its minister, is to reactivate the payment of tuition fees for children of public employees in universities. This is not a grant or administrative luxury, but a proactive intervention to protect thousands of students from academic failure. Protecting university students is not a social service; it is a direct investment in social stability and the preservation of human capital. And under occupation, every student we protect from dropping out is a form of quiet civil resistance.

Creativity in managing education under occupation means financial flexibility that protects students from interruption, supportive community partnerships for schools, reordering priorities towards basics, empowering school leadership, and reforming university governance by defining leadership terms and preventing the reproduction of positions without renewal or accountability.

Moreover, the discussion about strikes must be managed with a cool head. The right to unionize is legitimate, but when it turns into an uncontrolled tool, the student is the first loser. Restoring legitimacy through transparent elections and renewing mandates restores the balance between legitimate pressure and national responsibility.

There is a cultural dimension that cannot be ignored. When education transforms from a national mission into a temporary negotiating file, we lose our compass. In previous intifadas, the school was a symbol of steadfastness, and today it must remain so. The teacher who sees the student as their child, the principal who sees their school as a trust, and the ministry that seeks creative solutions despite scarce resources – these form the real line of defense.

Let's be frank: if we lose the regularity of education for years, we will face a deep knowledge gap, higher unemployment, greater emigration, and more dangerous societal fragility. The issue is not academic, but societal security and national stability. Education in Palestine is not a budget item, but a field of daily steadfastness. And if we lose the school, no national speeches will compensate us for that. Managing educational survival is not an option, but a sovereign duty that cannot be postponed.

No need to worry, everything happening in the West Bank is merely “security procedures.” Tanks entering Jenin in broad daylight are nothing more than an armored love letter, and soldiers' strolls in Nablus are an existential threat that doesn't warrant all this mobilization. Demolishing homes in Jerusalem is just a delicate application of the law, and displacement in Tulkarm is merely urban reorganization. Daily arrests are a democratic fitness exercise, checkpoints around Ramallah are traffic improvements, and Israeli flags planted on hills or in some villages are seasonal decorations reflecting the spirit of the holiday. This is roughly the language we are meant to understand what is happening. Israel is annexing the West Bank, or “managing” it very tightly, to the extent that a Palestinian needs permission to breathe between one checkpoint and another. It doesn't impose sovereignty, but fully exercises it without bothering itself with an official declaration. Why the rush? As long as reality is shaped daily on the ground, and as long as the international community contents itself with statements of condemnation and deep concern, there is no need for a historic speech in the Knesset to declare what already exists. Annexation in its classic form requires a political decision, and perhaps diplomatic noise. Modern annexation, however, is more elegant: a settlement expanding here, a bypass road cutting through a hill there, a checkpoint turning from temporary to permanent, an incursion repeated until it becomes routine, and a house demolished because its owner did not obtain a permit he knew in advance would not be granted. This is how sovereignty is built… with administrative calm. In Jenin, tanks enter to confirm that the “occupation ended” years ago, as we were told. In Jerusalem, homes are demolished in the name of the law, because the law is a very flexible entity when it comes to Palestinians. In Tulkarm, people are displaced for vague security reasons, as Israeli security is an elastic concept that encompasses everything, from a child throwing a stone to an entire city punished for breathing outside the required rhythm. As for talk of a two-state solution, it is a protocol paragraph revived when needed at international conferences. On the ground, there is one state that exercises everything: control over crossings, water, sky, land, movement, and economy. The other party? An extended municipal administration with stripped sovereignty, whose primary task is to control the rhythm of the street until the “final arrangement,” which is not called annexation, is completed. The funny thing is that all of this happens without an official declaration, as if Israel is telling the world: we don't have to embarrass you with a clear decision, we will annex quietly, and you continue to talk about a political horizon. We engineer the geography, and you formulate the statements. We plant flags, and you plant the vocabulary of “calm” and “de-escalation.” In the West Bank today, the bulldozer has become a negotiating tool, the checkpoint has turned into an actual border line, and the military patrol into a daily definition of the meaning of sovereignty. The question is no longer: Is there annexation? But rather: What remains outside this gradual annexation? It is an occupation without a name, sovereignty without declaration, and annexation without an official speech. A project that advances step by step, while the Palestinian is asked to act as if nothing has changed, and to wait for negotiations that might return to him what no longer exists. Perhaps in the end, Israel will officially declare annexation, but by then the declaration will be merely a symbolic celebration of what has already been achieved, for maps are not drawn in speeches, but on the ground, where they are rewritten every day, with a dark irony that needs no commentary.

On January 11, 2024, as I watched the International Court of Justice hearings broadcast live, presenting evidence of genocide in Gaza to the world, a quote from Reverend Dr. Munther Isaac's sermon "Christ in the Rubble" was cited. His book, released afterward, is a theological-ethical material inseparable from the political moment, directly confronting it. This book is not merely a religious reflection in wartime, but a call against "negative hope" and against the silence of churches when justice becomes a political burden. Isaac explains that Christian Zionism is not just a misreading of the Bible, but a political ideology serving the interests of major powers, and how the "theology of love" has transformed into a theology that justifies occupation, proposing that Christian Zionism provides a "divine mandate" for apartheid policies. The danger lies in sanctifying political crimes, making criticism of the occupation, in the eyes of some, "criticism of God's will." Reverend Munther calls for confronting this ideology not only through politics but by offering an "alternative theology." How can Palestinians (Muslims and Christians) work together to present a counter-narrative to Christian Zionism in international forums? And what is the role of "theology of the rubble" in awakening the conscience of the global church? Isaac begins by deconstructing Christian Zionism as an imperial theology, not an innocent religious reading. Christian Zionism, as he shows, has provided a theological cover for Israeli policies through the selective employment of sacred texts, granting religious legitimacy to occupation, settlement, and violence before a wide Western audience. In confronting this theology, Isaac presents a central metaphor: "theology of the rubble"; where the concept places the church before an existential question: How can one believe in a God who stands with the victim, while its institutions remain silent in the face of genocide? Isaac does not hesitate to approach the most sensitive questions: anger at God. In the context of genocide and collective suffering, anger is not presented as a loss of faith, but as a moral cry and a radical questioning of divine justice in a world that allows such injustice. Here, faith transforms from reassurance into responsibility, and from submission into spiritual resistance. The book also addresses the intertwining of religion with modern militarism, including military artificial intelligence, and the role of some evangelists in justifying this intertwining. When tools of war are clothed in religious discourse, and killing is presented as "moral defense," technology becomes an extension of the theology of violence, not merely a neutral tool. This analysis confronts the reader with a shocking truth: modernity has not abolished religiosity but has re-produced it with more lethal tools. The book is credited for not ignoring the human suffering of any party. The first chapter recounts the horrific stories of the October 7 attacks and the subsequent response, which reached the level of genocide. This chapter highlights the magnitude of the tragedy and the pain and psychological trauma it left on Israeli victims. Then I move on to analyze the genocide that unfolded in Gaza. In chapters two and three, it is explained in detail that this war did not begin on October 7. I review the broader context extending over seventy-seven years since the establishment of the state of Israel, along with the closer context of the siege imposed on Gaza for the sixteen years preceding that date. These chapters also explain the Nakba — the ethnic cleansing of Palestine that began in 1948 — and argue for the importance of understanding Israel as a settler-colonial entity and an apartheid system. Also, the siege imposed on Gaza as the necessary context for any accurate understanding. Chapter four delves into key factors that enabled this genocide and the continued Western support for it: colonialism in its political and economic dimensions and control over the narrative, racism, and theology — especially Christian Zionism. Chapter five details the positions of a number of influential pastors, Christian politicians, theologians, church leaders, and various denominations regarding the ongoing genocide. These positions ranged from calls for peace to justification of violence, or ignoring atrocities through silence, while some merely called for peace without any real pressure or concrete action plan. Chapter six highlights the voices of Palestinian Christians, especially the "Christ in the Rubble" initiative and the sermons delivered during Christmas and Lent, which confronted the silence of the Western Church. In chapter seven, he shares his experience in pastoral work during the genocide, explaining the theology behind "Christ in the Rubble," and offers a reading of the meaning of the cross as an expression of God's solidarity with humanity in its pain and suffering. Finally, chapter eight builds on the words quoted from his sermons, which were cited before the International Court of Justice, and issues a clear call to the church to act. This chapter also reviews the forms of solidarity that emerged from around the world, showing how a new interfaith community was formed, bringing together people from multiple faith traditions to call for an end to the war. Isaac identifies three factors that enabled the genocide and the continued Western support for it: colonialism in its political and economic dimensions and control over the narrative, racism, and theology, especially Christian Zionism. He exposes the silence of Western churches, their justification of violence, or their contentment with calls for peace without real pressure tools. The book culminates when it reclaims the voice of Palestinian Christians, not as a "forgotten minority," but as an authentic part of this place and its history. To be both Palestinian and Christian means facing double marginalization: from the occupation, and from a Christian world that ignores your existence. The presence of these Christians dismantles the narrative that tries to portray the conflict as a religious war between Jews and Muslims, and returns it to its true essence: a struggle over land, rights, and dignity. Christ in the Rubble is a brilliant work, and a moral, theological, and political call all at once. A book that does not leave the reader neutral, nor allows them to take refuge in silence. Reverend Munther Isaac, the father and the human, employs all his intellectual and spiritual tools to document crimes, and to address the world in the language of divine justice, not the language of interests. It is no coincidence that this work has garnered the attention of major universities and global public opinion. This is a book worth reading, not because it offers comfortable answers, but because it asks the questions that have long been ignored. For in a time when genocide is sanctified, silence becomes betrayal… and the word becomes an act of resistance.

Dr. Hani Abdeen: From treating refugees to a national reference in oncology and bone marrow transplantation. Dr. Fadi Al-Atrash: We are elevating our quality services for Palestinian patients despite increasing difficulties. Palestinian hospitals in Jerusalem constitute a fundamental pillar of the Palestinian health system, playing a pivotal role in providing advanced specialized services to thousands of patients from Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. The role of these hospitals is not limited to providing treatment; it extends to training medical staff, contributing to the development of health policies, and preserving national identity in the city amidst complex political and economic challenges. Al-Mutlaa Hospital \"Augusta Victoria\" stands out as one of the most important of these institutions, due to its precise specializations, particularly in the treatment of tumors, blood diseases, bone marrow transplantation, and elderly care. For decades, it has served as a reference center for Palestinian patients and a primary destination for complex cases requiring advanced medical care within a professional and humane environment that respects patient dignity and privacy. \"Y\" met with Dr. Hani Abdeen, the Medical Director of the hospital, and Dr. Fadi Al-Atrash, the Executive Director of the hospital, to shed light on the medical and health services and their development, medical and clinical education, and the training of future cadres for the Palestinian health system, in addition to the challenges and financial crisis affecting it, and its future plans. Establishment after World War II Abdeen began his speech by saying: Al-Mutlaa Hospital was established in 1950, after World War II, and in its early days, it was the main headquarters for treating Palestinian refugees after the Nakba. It developed in multiple areas until 1996, when it faced a funding crisis due to a defect in the support provided by UNRWA, which affected the continuity of service provision. He added: After the arrival of the Palestinian Authority in 1994, and the presence of the Palestinian Ministry of Health as an official reference, the hospital was no longer the only accredited entity for treating refugees, which necessitated a review of its strategy and the development of its services to meet the needs of the Palestinian community as a whole, both refugees and others. The hospital's location necessitated adopting an integrated, not competitive, policy Abdeen pointed out that the hospital's location on the Mount of Olives, about half a kilometer from Al-Makassed Hospital, necessitated adopting an integrated, not competitive, policy, so that complementary services to those provided by Al-Makassed are developed, and duplication in specializations is avoided. He explained that among the most prominent areas the hospital focused on was the development of cancer and blood disease treatment services, in addition to establishing a dialysis center for children, as at that time there was no Palestinian center treating children with chronic kidney failure. The integrated infrastructure for tumor treatment was also established, including radiotherapy, chemotherapy, and palliative care, in addition to updating the necessary medical equipment. Later, a bone marrow transplant unit was established for adults and children, especially thalassemia patients, where the success rate in this field reached about 98%, which is a very high rate. Enhancing Clinical Medical Education Medical Director Abdeen affirmed that the hospital did not only develop therapeutic services but also worked to enhance clinical medical education, recognizing the urgent need to prepare specialized health cadres locally, instead of relying on external scholarships. The hospital obtained recognition from the Palestinian Board in oncology, hematology, and radiotherapy specializations, and also received recognition from the Arab Board, making it the only hospital in Palestine accredited in palliative care. Abdeen explained that palliative care is concerned with alleviating the pain of patients who have reached advanced stages of cancer, improving their quality of life, and providing humane care that preserves their dignity, in addition to educating families on how to deal with the patient, with the possibility of receiving home care whenever possible. He pointed out that the hospital pays increasing attention to scientific research in the field of oncology and works to integrate medical research as an essential part of staff training, in cooperation with local universities, especially Al-Quds University, which contributes to the development of scientifically based treatments that serve Palestinian patients. Commemorating World Cancer Day through media campaigns and readable and visual materials Regarding awareness activities, Abdeen explained that the hospital is keen to commemorate World Cancer Day through media campaigns and readable and visual materials, in addition to launching awareness podcasts. It also organizes special events for breast cancer and operates a mobile clinic that travels to areas of Jerusalem and its suburbs, the West Bank, refugee camps, and remote and medically marginalized areas to conduct early examinations, especially mammography, with the aim of early detection before the disease worsens. Dr. Abdeen clarified that the mobile clinic also includes a diabetes clinic, which provides its services in Jerusalem and the West Bank, including Bethlehem, Qalqilya, Tulkarm, Hebron, and Masafer Yatta, by educating patients and providing treatment and medical guidance. Future Plans Regarding future plans, Abdeen affirmed that the hospital aspires to expand cancer patient services, so that all examinations are available in one place, without the patient having to move between different institutions. Plans include opening an endoscopy center (gastroscopy, colonoscopy, and bile duct endoscopy), due to the prevalence of colon and intestinal cancers and the need for early detection. Abdeen added: The hospital also seeks to develop elderly care services, given the increasing need for intermediate care between hospital and home, for patients who require long-term medical and nursing follow-up. In addition, the hospital intends to expand clinical research to study the effect of drugs on Palestinian patients, especially since most global studies are conducted on communities that differ in their lifestyle and diet from the Palestinian community. Medical Director Abdeen concluded his speech to "Y" by emphasizing that these plans require financial support and stability, expressing his hope that the hospital will be able to continue developing its services to serve patients and enhance its position as a reference medical center in Palestine. The main challenges are in three axes In turn, Dr. Al-Atrash began his speech to "Y" by saying: The hospital is a very strong and ancient institution, capable of enduring conditions and standing firm in the most difficult ones. And that this stage is one of the most difficult stages the institution has gone through since 1996. Al-Atrash pointed out that the main challenges facing the hospital are in three main axes: First: The general situation and geopolitical changes that affect the ability of staff and patients to access Jerusalem, in light of increasing Israeli procedures and requirements in terms of permits, licenses, and others. Second: The ability of patients to access Jerusalem, which is the most important problem, as it requires facilitating the issuance of permits and providing transportation, including buses coming from Hebron, Nablus, Ramallah, and other cities, in addition to providing the possibility for patients to stay in the vicinity of the hospital, as was previously practiced, especially for Gaza patients. Third: The financial crisis and the accumulation of debts on the Palestinian Authority as a result of the general economic situation, and the inability to pay bills in full on a monthly basis, as only partial amounts are paid by the Ministry of Finance, which is not enough. He pointed out that the hospital management is in continuous contact with donors and works to strengthen advocacy efforts to mobilize support for Jerusalem hospitals, especially Al-Mutlaa Hospital. He also noted another challenge, which is the limited specialized expertise supporting the hospital's development, but the institution is working to build and develop internal competencies, through education and training, to serve future plans. The financial crisis affected the speed of hospital development He explained that the financial crisis has indeed affected the speed of the hospital's development, and the ability to receive patients during certain periods, and has also affected the implementation of some developmental, service, and social programs. He stressed that without the financial crisis, the hospital's ability to expand and spread would have been much greater. Regarding Gaza patients, Al-Atrash explained that before the war, about 30% of patients referred to Al-Mutlaa Hospital, or to the Jerusalem hospital network in general, were from the Gaza Strip. However, since the beginning of the war, no patient has been referred from the Strip. Demand for restoring the referral pathway for Gaza patients He affirmed that the hospital demands the restoration of the natural and historical medical referral pathway for Gaza patients to Jerusalem and West Bank hospitals, due to its psychological and medical importance, as patients receive treatment in a familiar environment consistent with their culture, and the distance is shorter and their return to Gaza is easier. He pointed out that a number of patients who were in Jerusalem before the war and completed their treatment have already been returned, in coordination with Palestinian, Israeli, and international parties, after the ceasefire. Strict oversight in the context of attempts to erase national identity Regarding whether health institutions in Jerusalem are targeted, Al-Atrash said: Palestinian health institutions in the city, like other institutions, are subject to strict oversight, in the context of attempts to erase Palestinian identity. He affirmed that these institutions seek to remain in Jerusalem and serve the Palestinian people, as they are a backbone of the Palestinian health system, not only by providing services but also through advocacy, developing expertise, and contributing to shaping health policies. He explained that the Jerusalem hospital network includes six main institutions: Al-Mutlaa Hospital, Al-Makassed, the Red Crescent, St. Joseph, the Eye Hospital, and Princess Basma Institution, which have been in existence since 1997. The network works to coordinate efforts among its members, discuss common challenges, and demand support as a unified network, in addition to playing a role in advocating for the rights of Palestinian patients in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. He affirmed that the network enjoys wide recognition from donor countries and is considered a partner in supporting the health needs of the Palestinian people. It continues to receive support from the European Union and from American entities, in addition to support from some Arab countries, especially the Gulf states, which has contributed to its continued operation despite difficult circumstances. Jerusalem hospitals are essential in the Palestinian health system Al-Atrash pointed out that Jerusalem hospitals are among the essential institutions in the Palestinian health system, and have graduated and trained a large number of doctors and experts, and are active partners in shaping health policies in cooperation with the Palestinian Ministry of Health. As for Al-Mutlaa Hospital's future plans, Dr. Al-Atrash explained that the hospital's strategic plan aims to consolidate its position as a scientific beacon in the Palestinian health system, especially in oncology, hematology, bone marrow transplantation, and elderly care. Plans include developing oncology surgery services, strengthening bone marrow transplantation programs, expanding elderly care services, and introducing new services to ensure the sustainability of the hospital as a pivotal health institution in Jerusalem and Palestine. In his message, Al-Atrash called on patients to seek treatment in Jerusalem hospitals, emphasizing that they not only provide treatment but also respect human dignity and privacy, and provide a level of care not available elsewhere. He also called on official Palestinian bodies to continue supporting the Jerusalem hospital network, not only through statements but through practical steps on the ground. He called on the international community to continue its support to ensure the survival of these institutions, given their significant role not only in the health field but also in preserving Palestinian identity in Jerusalem.

Nikolay Mladenov, Director-General of the 'Peace Council,' stressed that disarming armed factions in the Gaza Strip has become an imperative demand that cannot be overlooked at the current stage. Mladenov considered this measure to be the only guarantee against sliding back into comprehensive military confrontations, noting that continued armament means the situation remains in a state of permanent fragility.

The international official explained that maintaining the status quo directly contributes to prolonging the humanitarian crisis experienced by the residents of the Strip. He affirmed that any genuine endeavor to achieve comprehensive and just peace must pass through clear channels for dismantling the military capabilities of the factions, within a vision that enjoys broad international consensus to end the continuous tension.

Regarding implementation steps, Mladenov preferred to adopt a policy of secrecy and not disclose the precise details of the proposed strategy to achieve this goal. He attributed this stance to the sensitivity of the current field conditions and the multitude of political variables, emphasizing that disclosing plans at this time could hinder diplomatic efforts being made away from the spotlight.

The Director-General of the Peace Council expressed his hope that the concerned parties would show great understanding for this cautious diplomatic stance, especially since the primary goal is to prevent the situation from exploding again. He indicated that intensive efforts are being made behind the scenes to calm the situation and establish pillars of stability, which requires a calm political environment away from media escalation.

Mladenov revealed the existence of an integrated 'framework' recently agreed upon between a group of international mediators and the United States of America. He described this framework as representing a practical and realistic roadmap aimed at transitioning the Strip from a state of conflict to a state of permanent stability, calling on all parties to immediately begin implementing the agreed-upon provisions without delay.

These statements come amid increasing international pressure aimed at transforming the Gaza Strip into a demilitarized zone, as part of a major deal looming on the horizon. This comprehensive deal is supposed to include vital issues such as the reconstruction of what was destroyed by the war and the lifting of the economic blockade imposed on the population, to ensure a dignified and stable life in the future.

Disarming militants in the Gaza Strip has become an urgent necessity and an indispensable option to ensure no return to war.