On the occasion of the 20,000th issue of Al-Quds newspaper, the largest Palestinian newspaper... Palestinian journalism under occupation 1968-1993

From 1871 AD until 1987, Palestine witnessed an active and developed press movement. As recorded in the Palestinian Encyclopedia/Part Two, 214 press publications were published in Palestine between 1871 and 1968. Perhaps the first publication that met the journalistic requirements was the newspaper “Al-Quds Al-Sharif,” which was published in 1876 and edited by Sheikh Ali Al-Rimawi and Abdul Salam Kamal (see Balsam Magazine, Issue 142, pp. 109-110).

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the press flourished in Palestine with the publication of many newspapers. Most newspapers and magazines were published in the coastal cities of Jaffa and Haifa, while some were published in Jerusalem and cities that later became part of Israel. Among these newspapers were: Filastin, Al-Karmel, Sawt Al-Shaab, Al-Ittihad, Al-Sirat Al-Mustaqim, Al-Jadeed, Al-Difaa, and many others. After the Nakba, some of these newspapers disappeared, while others, such as Al-Ittihad and Al-Jadeed, remained in Haifa. Some moved to Jerusalem, and some migrated to East Jordan, to Amman.

From 1948 to 1967, the West Bank witnessed several newspapers and magazines, including Al-Manar, Al-Jihad, Filastin, Al-Difaa, Al-Ufuq Al-Jadid, and the Jerusalem Star in English, among others.

A few months before the June 1967 war, the Jordanian government issued a decision to nationalize newspapers. Al-Jihad and Al-Difaa merged into a single newspaper called Al-Quds. After the June 1967 war, all newspapers ceased publication. In 1968, Al-Quds resumed publication, followed four years later by Al-Shaab and Al-Fajr. Magazines, press offices, and newspapers proliferated.

Following the occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Jerusalem in 1967, the Israeli ruling circles resorted to describing the press in the occupied territories in various ways. On the one hand, for propaganda purposes, these circles speak of what they call “freedom of the press,” and market this as evidence of the alleged improvement in living conditions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. On the other hand, when matters intensify and the clouds gather, other descriptions emerge that are more in line with the official Israeli viewpoint. The national press in the occupied territories is considered a “tool of incitement” and a “hotbed of anti-Israel propaganda.” This description is often used to justify measures taken against newspapers and journalists.

In both cases, whether by considering the Arab press as an “improvement tool” (to serve Israeli propaganda purposes) or an “incitement tool” (with the aim of taking action against it), the Israeli authorities are, in one way or another, admitting the failure of their policy, which aimed to create a subservient press under the occupation.

This policy began in the early 1970s, when the Israeli authorities facilitated the issuance of newspaper permits with the aim of normalizing the status quo and attempting to portray the occupation as "liberal." This policy also aimed to attract some intellectual circles and create a social base that cooperated with the occupation. Therefore, administrative restrictions were not imposed on the distribution of newspapers in the occupied territories, and censorship was relatively lighter. However, subsequent developments proved the official Israeli assessments wrong. The rise of the mass movement against the occupation and the interaction of the Palestinian national press with this movement led to the emergence of a new situation that did not align with the desires of the Israeli authorities. The most prominent example of this was the success of the campaign against the Camp David Accords and the self-rule, and the recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

As a result, the press in the occupied territories, like the entire Palestinian national movement, entered a new phase in confronting what the military government authorities called (and are still known as) the "iron fist" policy.

In an attempt to provide a clearer picture of the Israeli authorities' position on the Palestinian national press in the occupied territories, we quote below some important paragraphs from an article by Dr. Eli Rekhes that appeared in the Israeli Defense Ministry magazine and was republished by the Jerusalem Post on April 22, 1987.

Dr. Reichs discusses the Palestinian national press and its political role in the occupied territories, independent of all the restrictions, procedures, and military censorship laws imposed on it. Rather, he attempts to defend these restrictions and procedures by claiming that "this press is a mobilizing press loyal to the PLO," and "this has increased the tension in its relations with the Israeli authorities," he says.

In response to the question of to what extent the press in the occupied territories reflects and represents the political positions of the population, he says: “The presence of a large number of publications that support the PLO gives the impression that there is a national consensus that supports the positions of the organization.”

It is worth noting here that when Dr. Eli Rekhes speaks of the PLO's control over the national press, he also points to the increasing importance of the press in the occupied territories and to the fact that this press has become more expressive of its Palestinian identity. At the same time, he acknowledges the failure of Israeli attempts to create a press subordinate to or loyal to the occupation.

We said that the occupation authorities, after they took control of the remaining Palestinian territories on the eve of June 5, 1967, allowed the Palestinians to publish newspapers and magazines. Was this so that Israel would appear as a "democratic" state? This may have been a marketing gimmick to throw sand in the eyes! However, the main reason is that the occupying state does not want the Palestinian people to engage in secret ways of expressing their point of view. Therefore, the occupation opened a margin for the Palestinians to allow them to express their opinions, orientations, and dreams, under its eyes, on its table, and under its microscope. Thus, the occupation knows what the Palestinians are thinking. Then, the occupation will impose its fierce censorship on this press and work to empty it of its struggle and political content. It will expose the true orientations and positions of journalists, and consequently, it will work to pursue them by arrest, deportation, killing, or mutilation. It has its own pretexts for doing so, as it relies, in these actions, on a "law," the Emergency Law. Section 39 of this law states: "(a) - In a state of emergency, the government may issue emergency regulations and orders for the purpose of protecting the state, protecting public security, and ensuring the provision of essential services and goods. (b) - If the Prime Minister deems it impossible to convene the government and there is an urgent and pressing need to issue emergency orders, he may issue them or authorize a minister to issue them. (c) - Pursuant to emergency regulations, any law may be amended, temporarily revoked, or conditions may be imposed, as well as new taxes may be imposed or existing taxes increased, unless another law stipulates otherwise." Based on this legal text, the State of Israel has been in a continuous "state of emergency" since its establishment, 77 years ago, and continues to this day (at least!), as the Knesset has made it a habit to automatically extend (re-declare) the state of emergency every year for an additional year, so that the government has not found it necessary to exercise its legal authority to declare a state of emergency itself, even once.

Why "emergency"?

As the text of the law clearly states, declaring a "state of emergency" grants government authorities very broad powers under the guise of "protecting state and public security and ensuring the provision of vital services and goods." However, the reality is that maintaining the "state of emergency" does not stem from an objective need for it, as the objective circumstances that necessitated its declaration in 1948 (from the Israeli perspective) no longer exist. Accordingly, declaring this state of emergency aims to achieve two basic practical goals: the first is the authority to issue emergency regulations and orders, and the second is ensuring the validity of many laws enacted on the basis of an "emergency," which are therefore conditional upon the existence of a "state of emergency." This means that canceling the "state of emergency" (not declaring it) means canceling these laws and their expiration.

These laws include those directly related to security issues, including: the Prevention of Terrorism Law, the Emergency Regulations Extension Order (which prohibits citizens—mostly Arabs—from leaving the country), the Emergency Land Seizure Law (establishing state institutions in Jerusalem), the Emergency Arrest Powers Law (which authorizes the issuance of administrative detention orders), the Prevention of Infiltration Law, the Vehicle Registration and Recruitment Law for the Military (which allows the seizure of private vehicles and their use in military service), the Emergency Inspection Powers Law, and others. These laws also include others that are not directly related to security issues, including: the Hours of Work and Rest Law (which mandates that workers in various sectors work overtime), the Goods and Services Supervision Law (which mandates the issuance of mandatory work orders for workers who declare a strike), and others.

Emergency laws are British Mandate laws that have been in place since 1945. Britain, the occupying power, not the Mandate, sadistically applied them to the Palestinian people. Indeed, it invented them as restrictions, whips, and mechanisms to confine Palestinians to a permanent hell. The occupying power then revived these obsolete laws, revitalized them, developed them, adopted them, and reproduced them against our people without mercy or regard for their inconsistency with international laws and human rights standards.

Military censorship of the press creates a "censor" within the mind of the Palestinian journalist. He or she will begin to censor themselves and avoid writing anything that might anger the Israeli military censor, who is, in effect, a security officer. Over time, the journalist becomes domesticated and tamed, conforming to the margins allowed by the censor. This is not fate, but an inevitable reality.

Censorship meant that journalists and writers would inevitably resort to symbolism and metaphor, rendering their "text" obscure or ambiguous. Or the Palestinian writer would resort to writing under a pseudonym. It was clear that everything was forbidden and everything had to be monitored, from writing to colors, graphics, page layout (editing), and headlines. In other words, the newspaper had to submit all forthcoming publications in their final form to the censor. It was "normal" and expected that the censor would cross out an image or drawing or cross out parts of lines, which would render the writing meaningless and futile. The Palestinian journalist would then be forced to rewrite it to make it more plausible and readable, and then resend it to the censor, who would often repeat the crossing outs and tamper with the written text. And so on, until the publication of the publication was delayed, depending on the censor's whims and his miraculous, surreal requirements.

Writers, editors, editor-in-chief, or editorial secretary are often summoned for interrogation, terrorized, threatened with the loss of their livelihoods, and prosecuted. This has had a negative impact on the content of Palestinian journalism, which explains the absence of many topics, the lightness and superficiality of the publication, or its treatment from a naive or incomplete perspective.

Perhaps anyone who looks at the considerable number of newspapers, offices and magazines that were published at that time would think that the press was free from its own affairs, and that there were no obstacles to the establishment or publication of any office, newspaper or magazine by the Israeli authorities. However, the Israeli occupation, since the first days of its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, has sought to promote media programs that would cause the Palestinian citizen to lose confidence in the Arab world and in himself, distort facts and standards, turn things upside down, and feed him with what it sees as appropriate from the culture of the occupation through its media, with great emphasis, relying on the law of repetition.

The occupation also sought to tie the Palestinians to the Israeli economic establishment and to demolish the Palestinian infrastructure in order to control them economically, as a prelude to controlling them culturally and media-wise, and dragging them into the sources of the occupation and its philosophy. Furthermore, the occupation changed the names of geographical locations and gave them new names that are at odds with reality and history. It imposed on national newspapers, magazines, and press releases the new names to consolidate the policy of the fait accompli and to entrench these names in the minds of the new generation, causing them to forget their homeland, their cause, and the witness to their historical right.

It is well known that the Palestinian press under occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip encountered problems and obstacles that could have destroyed the press and nullified its national and humanitarian role. Perhaps the most important of these obstacles is military censorship derived from the defunct British Emergency Laws of 1945, which impose the following on newspaper, magazine and press office owners:

A - To submit to censorship, before publication, any material related to “state security,” “public safety,” and “public order” in Israel or in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

B - The obligation to submit material for prior censorship as mentioned applies to any written material, including advertisements, as well as to maps, plans, pictures, caricatures, and any other writings.

C - Explanations, titles, or notes should be provided for photographs, maps, writings, caricatures, or diagrams.

D - Any material previously approved, including images previously approved on previous occasions that bore the censor's seal, must be submitted to censorship as mentioned above.

E - It is not permissible to publish different news items in the newspaper next to each other if collecting them in this manner might lead to the disclosure of something that is not permissible to publish without permission, and might lead to harming public safety and public order in Israel or in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

And - the source of the news is not something that would be permissible from a censorship standpoint, and material transmitted from official or security sources, if it relates to state security, public safety, and public order in Israel or in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, requires prior censorship.

Z - News presented as quotations from foreign sources, international agencies, or newspapers is viewed by censors as a true and accurate quotation in its content. If the aforementioned news is permitted to be published and it later becomes clear that the quotation was inaccurate, the responsibility for any damage to security, harm to public safety, or harm to public order falls on the responsible editor.

H - It is not permissible to leave white spots or other spaces that indicate work that has been deleted from the censorship.

It seems that the Israeli occupation was not satisfied with imposing strict censorship laws that lead to delays in the publication of printed materials and to the stagnation of news, or preventing its publication or distorting it, through arbitrary deletion from them or delaying approval for publication. It took several measures and carried out a series of practices aimed at eliminating the spirit of the national press and Palestinian national journalists, such as preventing distribution, and repeated harassment and attacks.

Other military orders prohibiting distribution and publication include Military Order No. 101 of 1967, which prohibits any incitement or hostile propaganda; Military Order No. 379 of 1970, which authorizes any responsible (Israeli) person to confiscate any publication distributed in the West Bank without permission from the military government; and Military Order No. 862 of 1980, which clarifies Military Order 379, stating that any publication or book not included in the list of prohibited items may not be distributed in the area unless permission is obtained. Military Order 938 of 1982, which expands the powers of Military Order No. 50, defines a prohibited publication as including printing, selling, purchasing, distributing, etc., and prohibits the distribution of any publication of "political importance." Article 94 of the Mandatory Emergency Laws prohibits the issuance or printing of any publication without a license.

Article 100 of the Emergency Laws gives the military censor the power to ban or suspend the publication of any newspaper for any period of time.

During the years 1968-1993, the Israeli authorities took a wide range of measures against newspapers in the occupied territories, some of which can be reviewed as follows:

In the summer of 1985, the military governor of the West Bank issued a new order requiring Arab newspapers to publish advertisements from the Israeli Civil Administration, without compensation, or they would be banned from distribution in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This military order became known as Order 1140.

Military orders issued against newspapers are final and cannot be revoked, especially orders to close newspapers.

The persecution of journalists began to take on new dimensions. A number of journalists were summoned for investigation under the Tamir Law, on the grounds that their published articles contained expressions supporting the PLO. Among the forms of direct targeting of Palestinian and foreign journalists are:

Shooting at them. Confiscating press cards from journalists and media professionals and preventing them from entering some villages and areas, under the pretext that they are closed military zones. Assaulting media and journalistic institutions, as always happens, with rocket shelling, smashing equipment, and confiscating content. Temporary and permanent closures of media institutions, banning the distribution of newspapers, deporting journalists outside the country, and the disappearance and killing of a number of journalists in mysterious circumstances. The occupation authorities did nothing to search for them or explain the circumstances of their killing, which indicates their involvement. There are also administrative detentions that have affected dozens of journalists.

As for detentions for various periods, fines, and suspended sentences, there is no journalist who has not been arrested, investigated, or had fines and sentences imposed on him.

As for house arrests, the occupation authorities have imposed house arrest orders on a large number of journalists in their cities, villages, or camps, requiring them to report to the police station in the area where they reside daily. They are also prohibited from leaving their homes after 6:00 PM. Furthermore, the Israeli authorities arrest many journalists for several hours, interrogate them, destroy their cameras, seize their notes and film, and prevent them from filming. The Israeli authorities prevent most journalists from traveling and leaving the occupied territories, especially across bridges. Many are also prevented from attending events, festivals, and meetings by prior orders from the military rulers. We should not forget the frenzied campaigns waged by Jewish extremists against media institutions, the attacks they have subjected some of these institutions to, the destruction of their contents, the sending of threatening letters to newspaper and magazine editors, and the brutal, destructive raids and searches of their headquarters—a practice that contradicts the declared concepts and appearance of democracy.

It remains to be said that the Israeli police can prosecute any journalist or writer for their writing, even if the military censorship has permitted its publication. Furthermore, the Israeli police interpret what national newspapers and magazines publish as they see fit, giving the published material unimaginable dimensions and interpretations, and ones the published material does not support. This means that all journalists are subject to the courts, inspection, imprisonment, and investigation. They are prisoners and deportees with suspended sentences.

Journalistic institutions and offices are also closed and raided, with a stay of execution. (See Al-Awda magazine, issue 93, pp. 19-20; the annual report issued by the Arab Journalists Association, a one-time issue "May 1984 - December 1986"; The Palestinian Journalist / one-time issue "June 1982"; The Journalist / first issue "July 1985"; and our book "Jerusalem in the Press").