Salwa Hadeeb: Palestinian women were at the heart of the daily organizational process and fought the struggle from the beginning, armed with a spirit of steadfastness and giving.

Issa Qaraqe: The Intifada of the Stones turned into a global event, and the prisoners released in the 1985 exchange deal contributed to forming its unified leadership

Hani Al-Masry: The Intifada of the Stones was a pivotal historical event that shaped the features of the national identity and almost paved the way for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

Qadura Fares: The circumstances of the outbreak of the Intifada of the Stones are still present.. and restoring its founding principles may form the basis for building a modern strategy

Zahra Kamal: With schools and universities closed, women opened their homes as well as some international institutions’ facilities to serve as alternative classrooms.

Dr. Al-Mutawakel Taha: The Intifada of the Stones forged a national identity based on cultural and political resistance in the face of an occupation that stifles all forms of creativity and expression

Writers, officials, prisoners and leaders of the Intifada of the Stones, whose 37th anniversary is today, agreed in interviews with “I” that the Intifada of the Stones in 1987 was a pivotal and deeply influential moment in the Palestinian national conscience. During it, different segments of society, women, men, prisoners and intellectuals, united, and the role of Palestinian women emerged clearly, especially in Jerusalem, when women opened their homes as alternative educational centers and established health and social committees to confront closures and repression. The prison school also produced generations of liberated prisoners who contributed to formulating a national awareness and consolidating an organizational commitment that contributed to crystallizing a unified leadership for the Intifada. They stressed, through several examples, that the Intifada was not a passing event, but rather represented a turning point in shaping a solid cultural and collective identity, based on popular resistance and a shared sense of injustice and occupation.

They saw that the most important lessons from the uprising lie in the belief in unity of ranks, adherence to the central national goal, and reliance on peaceful popular action as a decisive lever in the equation, in addition to the role of the intellectual and creative in supporting the popular movement, noting that these collective experiences, organizational expertise and cultural structures, which were refined by the Intifada of the Stones, constitute today a model that can be inspired to enhance the steadfastness of the Palestinians and revive the spirit of struggle in confronting the occupation and its policies, and reminding the world that the Palestinian cause cannot be ignored or circumvented.

Palestinian women...the heart and organization of the popular movement

Speaking to “Y”, Salwa Hadeeb, a member of the Revolutionary Council of the Fatah Movement, said that Palestinian women, especially those from Jerusalem, have engaged in all forms of struggle since the beginning, armed with a spirit of steadfastness and giving. In the context of the 1987 Intifada, this phase strengthened their role to unprecedented levels, as their efforts included the sectors of education, health and social work.

Hadib explained that women were at the heart of the daily organizing process, saying: “We opened our homes and the headquarters of several international institutions as alternative headquarters for classrooms after schools and universities were closed, and in this way, we ensured that children would not lose their right to education. Our main concern was to preserve the child’s ability to read and write in light of the closure and repression.”

This role was not limited to education, but extended to the health aspect, as Hadeeb pointed out that women organized medical services and first aid committees, and participated in establishing popular committees to protect neighborhoods from settler attacks and soldiers’ raids. She added: “Women distributed information, supported persecuted youth, provided all necessary medicines and food for needy families, and contributed to securing shelter for those whose homes were demolished.”

On the level of national unity, Hadeeb stressed that the uprising brought together the factions of the PLO in a joint national effort, which created a state of integration between the components of the national movement. She pointed out that women played a pivotal role in this context, as she explained that “the uprising brought us together under one national banner, and we, women, were responsible for printing statements and organizing programs, and we took on the role of temporary leadership when prominent leaders were arrested, which contributed to the continuation of the movement and the consolidation of the approach of popular resistance.”

However, Hadeeb acknowledges that Palestinian women did not receive their due share of political representation and decision-making after the advent of the Palestinian National Authority and the political developments that followed. She added: “Women were not given the role they deserved based on their sacrifices during the Intifada. We demanded a quota that would guarantee their participation in organizational and party frameworks, and we set a quota of at least 30%, but implementation remained limited.”

Hadib believes that the Algerian experience was a harsh lesson, as women there were sent back to the kitchen after independence, something that Palestinian women sought to avoid. Despite the challenges, women did not give up and continued to struggle to seize their place. Hadib also stressed the importance of continuing to work until the principle of equality in rights and duties is entrenched in accordance with what is stipulated in national laws and documents.

In conclusion, Hadeeb stressed the need to unite ranks, maintain civil peace and a unified national position, and work to liberate Palestine from the yoke of occupation. She concluded her speech with cautious optimism: “No matter how long it takes, the occupation will end, and we hope to see a free, democratic, and equal Palestine in rights and duties for all.”

Prisoners... A leadership school that shaped national awareness

Throughout the experience of the 1987 Intifada, the pivotal role played by Palestinian prisoners, especially those released in the 1985 exchange deal, in shaping national awareness and strategic planning emerged. On the one hand, Issa Qaraqe, head of the National Library, believes that these released prisoners, with the deep organizational experience they gained in the occupation prisons, contributed to forming the unified leadership of the Intifada, which provided Palestinian society with a cohesive intellectual and organizational system.

Qaraqe' stressed: "The organizational school inside the prisons was a basic lever for educating thousands of prisoners, and upon their return to society, they conveyed an experience of national and cultural awareness that helped fuel the uprising."

On another level, Qaraqe stressed that the Intifada of the Stones turned into a global event, as its details entered every home on the international scene, which enabled the internationalization of the Palestinian cause and the protection of the independent national identity, explaining that international sympathy, in addition to the remarkable media presence, contributed to highlighting the issue of the detainees as an international and humanitarian issue.

He added: "The world began to learn about the reality of the prisoners, conferences were held, and there was greater understanding of their suffering in light of the occupation's violation of international law."

Moreover, Qaraqe believes that the first Intifada, by forming a unified Palestinian entity, restored consideration to a comprehensive national program. It broke the equations that the occupation tried to impose, and transformed prisons into educational spaces of resistance, producing effective leaders who contributed to the continuity of the popular movement, despite the challenges and ongoing repression. With this logic, Qaraqe asserts that the prison experience gave rise to democratic and revolutionary values that strengthened discipline and commitment within national frameworks.

In light of the current political and field transformations, Qaraqe draws attention to the fact that the current circumstances, with all the tragedies and escalating Israeli crimes, may pave the way for the launch of a new, more intense uprising, especially in the wake of the ongoing massacres and systematic attempts at genocide, noting that “we are in dire need of drawing inspiration from the lessons of the first uprising, which focused on unity, organization, and belief in the justice of the cause,” saying: “Just as the first uprising erupted in response to attempts at hegemony, the next uprising may be more furious, and we will never forget or forgive.”

A living example of collective willpower

While Qaraqe acknowledges that arming the people with national unity and a unified leadership is the basic condition for reviving the spirit of the first intifada, he does not overlook the necessity of restoring the Palestinian ranks to confront settlement plans and annexation policies.

Through this reminder of the need for unity of speech, Qaraqe’ reinforces the conviction that the first intifada was not just a historical event, but rather a living example of the power of collective will that charted the course of the struggle and became a reference from which the present and future generations draw inspiration for the principles of steadfastness and insistence on legitimate rights.

A national organizing goal...the key to unity and influence

Speaking about the Intifada of the Stones, Hani Al-Masri, Director General of the Palestinian Center for Policy Research and Strategic Studies (Masarat), described that era to “Y” as a “historical turning point” that shaped the Palestinian national identity. He considered that the Intifada of 1987 almost paved the way for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, had it not been for a number of external factors, most notably the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the confusion and haste of the Palestinian leadership in reaping the fruits of the Intifada.

Through this historic event, Al-Masry explains how it seemed to the world that the Palestinian issue could not be ignored or marginalized, and he said: “The Intifada was a very strong message to the entire world, including the Israelis, that the Palestinians are committed to their vision and rights no matter how long it takes.”

By reviewing the lessons learned from that experience, Al-Masry points out the importance of defining a clear and achievable national goal, similar to what the Palestinians did when they agreed on national independence as a regulating goal. This agreement, which was accompanied by national unity and the presence of a unified leadership, opened the way for different groups, movements and generations to engage in the popular movement.

Al-Masry also pointed out that peaceful struggle and popular resistance, despite their apparent simplicity, have proven to be no less effective than armed action, saying: “Popular resistance in its various forms allows every Palestinian to participate, which strengthens popular support and gives the struggle a broader horizon.”

Likewise, Al-Masry does not ignore the regional and international dimension, as the Palestinian issue has a humanitarian, Arab and Islamic character, which makes it capable of mutual influence with the region and the world, pointing out the necessity of not ignoring this fact, saying: “The regional and international dimensions are very important, and cannot be overlooked or ignored.”

At the same time, Al-Masry recalls the role of the media and intellectual research in preparing the atmosphere for the uprising, as popular media contributed to exposing the occupation’s practices and raising awareness of violations, which helped mobilize society and enhance international solidarity. With technological progress, there are now more powerful tools, such as social media, which have enabled Palestinians to “achieve superiority” over the official Zionist discourse, and encourage the emergence of solidarity movements in Europe, the United States, and within universities that have adopted the Palestinian narrative to increasing degrees, as Al-Masry asserts: “It is not just human sympathy, but a real condemnation of Zionism and Israeli policies.”

Based on this legacy, Al-Masry calls for reviving the spirit of unity and organization, and not underestimating the power of the Palestinian message, stressing that building on the experience of the first Intifada requires a unified national leadership, clear goals, and the ability to address the world in a humane and legal language, which paves the way for envisioning more just and effective political paths.

Unity of ranks and popular participation.. Lessons from the past for the future

In his speech, the head of the Commission of Prisoners' Affairs and Liberated Prisoners, Qadura Fares, considered that the circumstances that led to the outbreak of the Intifada of the Stones 37 years ago are still present today with greater force, and perhaps even more dangerous than they were at that time. He pointed out that "the principle of the existence of Israel justifies every struggle carried out by the Palestinian people," stressing that the annexation and settlement projects and the ongoing attacks on the land and holy sites continue to fuel the motives of popular resistance.

In the context of his analysis of the nature of popular participation during the Intifada, Fares believes that it came as a result of a mature popular awareness that had accumulated over the years. This awareness is what made “all segments of society, with all its classes, all its sects, all its age groups” engage in the battle for liberation, transforming “every citizen into a soldier.” At that time, a picture of a unique national consensus emerged, which produced a popular force capable of challenging the occupation.

As for the lessons learned, Fares reaffirms the priority of national unity, stressing that “a broad and influential popular movement cannot take place without comprehensive unity.” Thus, narrow alignments must be avoided, and focus must be on what unites the people of one nation rather than getting involved in what divides them. He adds that peaceful popular struggle, in all its forms, is not a secondary option, but rather “the highest level of struggle,” as it allows every Palestinian space to participate in steadfastness and resistance, far from the restrictions that some forms of armed struggle may impose.

Regarding the current circumstances, Fares believes that restoring the founding principles of the Intifada can form a solid foundation for building a modern Palestinian strategy, noting that “the majority can be part of a popular movement.” He calls here for adopting creative resistance methodologies and making room for new generations to come up with innovative ideas, declaring his confidence that “we have new generations that will surprise us with other new forms of struggle.”

In conclusion, Fares stresses that the challenge is not only in evoking the spirit of the uprising, but in translating this spirit today into a political and societal action capable of confronting the occupation and establishing a unified national methodology that gives the people a real opportunity to exercise their right to freedom and independence.

Women of the First Intifada: From Resistance Homes to an Invincible National Identity

Throughout the Intifada, Zahira Kamal, Secretary General of the Fida Party, saw how that phase embodied a pivotal moment centered around clarity of vision and deep awareness of the existence of a direct occupation that must be resisted. According to what she explained, “the Palestinian public was united and engaged in a national struggle against an occupation present everywhere,” such that this was reflected in the nature of daily work and the means of resistance available.

Amid Israeli closures of schools and universities, Palestinian women have emerged as a key support element. Kamal noted that women “opened their homes and some international institutions’ facilities to serve as alternative classrooms,” preserving children’s right to education and helping life continue despite the blockade.

She also spoke about the existence of health committees, agricultural committees, and committees to secure basic needs, all of which were spaces that allowed women to participate widely and effectively. She said: “Women were present in every action, from providing health care and food, to participating in alternative educational activities, which gave them the opportunity to play a pivotal role in the resilience of society.”

Participation was not limited to a specific group or segment, but extended to all sectors of society, which deepened the unity of the Palestinian ranks. Kamal highlights this idea by saying, “The Intifada produced a cohesive society, practicing a form of integrated resistance, where men, women and children work together, and each individual is able to find a way to contribute to the popular resistance.”

Despite the subsequent political transformations, the Oslo Accords and the complications that resulted from them, the First Intifada remained present in the collective memory as a distinctive milestone. Kamal considered that the steadfastness of Palestinian society during that period formed the basis of a legacy of struggle that cannot be ignored, because it was a “comprehensive popular struggle” that allowed for the drawing of the features of a national identity rooted in the idea of liberation and resistance to the occupier, in addition to providing a practical model for mobilizing the energies of women and men together in the face of policies of repression and closure.

Thus, the first intifada appears in Zahra Kamal’s talk as an exceptional moment: a moment that relied on a solid national awareness, a unified popular will, and a fundamental role for Palestinian women who supported the popular movement from within their homes and in alternative institutions, ultimately creating an image of a vigilant, cohesive, and unbreakable society.

Culture in the time of occupation... a weapon against oppression

From the perspective of writer and poet Dr. Al-Mutawakel Taha, the Intifada of the Stones represented a pivotal moment that unleashed latent meanings in the Palestinian conscience and forged a national identity based on comprehensive resistance, cultural and political, in the face of an occupation that stifles all forms of creativity and expression. Since the beginning of the occupation, the creative person has lived in a narrow and dependent margin, as writing for him - as Taha confirms - was "a work that prevents madness", as it constituted an outlet in a reality stifled by the lack of press platforms, the absence of institutions, and the decline in popular interest in culture, under the pressure of transforming Palestinian society into a fragile working-class society.

Accordingly, writers were forced to adopt a direct and frank language, without embellishment or embellishment, because they were under the deliberate control of the occupier. Taha points out that “the occupation was on the lookout, alert to everything that incites, illuminates and exposes its ugliness,” as it pursued intellectuals, academics and journalists. In a barren and oppressive atmosphere, a group of creative people emerged who made their way through the rubble of oppression, writing texts “similar to a secret pamphlet” to say everything quickly and clearly, and raise the banner of defiance, despite the lack of rewards and encouragement.

Then, with the outbreak of the Intifada at the end of 1987, culture underwent a profound transformation. Culture, in Taha’s understanding, is not just texts, but a system of values and standards for confronting the unforeseen and the strange. In their Intifada, the Palestinians encountered their culture, which grants them “patterns of power” inherent in martyrdom, sacrifice, commitment, and belonging, thus creating a deep-rooted cultural identity. Taha believes that, in this equation, the Palestinians are “forced to learn as a form of resistance,” and to benefit from the capabilities of their culture, which allows for steadfast steadfastness and conscious defiance.

During that period, a real confrontation emerged between two cultural worlds: on the one hand, the open Arab-Islamic culture, and on the other, the culture of the occupier with its one-sided vision. Thus, the Palestinian cultural identity was fused within the framework of resistance to an occupation that only recognizes the other through exploitation. From here emerged a solid Palestinian identity, guided by the spirit and values of the Intifada, and relying on culture to confront dreams of assimilation and uprooting.

Taha believes that the intellectual during the Intifada was not neutral, as he did not have “the luxury of choosing at the crucial moment of confrontation.” Supporting the people was self-evident, and the intellectual who was inactive or justified the occupation lost his true creative quality. Creativity, during the Intifada, was synonymous with freedom and alignment with the people, and the intellectual continued to “dig into the heart of the fire, to move its hands,” testing his intellectual and human courage to the utmost extent.

Inside the detention cells, poetry has become a “weapon” to confront oppression, and a free space that goes beyond the bars and creates another world. Thus, literature has acquired the utmost importance, and has become “necessary” to parallel the confinement and the political position, igniting the collective spirit, and granting hope and continuity.

Today, decades after the Intifada, Taha calls for drawing inspiration from its most important lesson: transforming its spirit into a permanent action, practicing it as the basis of national identity, and establishing its values at the heart of the future Palestinian constitution. The Intifada must not be reduced to a passing political achievement, but rather, as Taha says, it must remain “a permanent action and an obsession that does not sproute,” and its winds must spread to all aspects of Palestinian life, so that the temporary achievement does not turn into an illusion, and so that the revolutionary action moves from a specific time to an ongoing action that confronts challenges and formulates a society that is more vibrant and clear in its goals.