Will Sinwar and Barghouthi succeed in launching a new phase of struggle?

It is no secret that the Fatah movement, the pioneer of Palestinian national and revolutionary work, is in an unenviable position. This is not strange, as bodies become lethargic and flabby when they are not revitalized, which often negatively affects the general situation. This applies to the Fatah movement, which has become unable to face challenges, at a time when the masses looked to it as a savior from the burdens of occupation. It is also not strange that the masses have rallied around the movement, even if it has weakened recently, due to the movement's rich history. It was the first to rise from the wreckage of the Nakba, the Naksa, and it was the first bullets and the first stones. It was able to correct the compass from the issue of refugees to the issue of a stolen homeland and an expelled, exiled people. It was the first to defeat the invincible army, and it fiercely defended the independent national decision. It fought and negotiated... it won and lost... but it preserved its independent decision, far from dependencies.
Fatah wrote the greatest heroic epics in Beirut, and presented martyr after martyr, wounded after wounded, and prisoner after prisoner. Fatah combined free democratic thought with right-wing and left-wing thought, and was the pioneer of national unity, and made its revolutionary and militant behavior a weapon for every Palestinian who aspires to freedom, return, and independence. Fatah is the mother of the masses because it is the protector of the national project, the planter of hope in generations, and the owner of real victories, not imaginary ones. It has always taken the initiative in war and peace, and has been the common denominator for all the sons of the Palestinian people, and because it is, because it is, and because it is... and the journey is long.
But where is Fatah today compared to Fatah yesterday? Today's Fatah has moved away from the idea for which it was created!! It has become lethargic, flabby and weak until it has become the sick man, led by a group that has implemented itself amidst the stillness of the majority due to their dissatisfaction with the general situation of the movement, a group dominated by individualism based on self-interests wrapped in absolute selfishness over the collective tendency, which has diverted the compass from the goals for which it was launched, which has made the movement's popularity at rock bottom, and other currents have taken its place leading the arena and gaining the sympathy, support and popularity of the masses, along with many of those who were around Fatah. It is no secret that Hamas has become the most popular movement in the Palestinian arena, and what has increased its popularity is its adherence to the resistance guaranteed by international and heavenly laws and norms, which was crowned by the Al-Aqsa Flood operation that it led, and after the occupation's direct targeting of it and the assassination of its symbols and leaders, the last of whom was its martyred president Ismail Haniyeh in Iran, and before him the martyr Saleh al-Arouri in Lebanon.
Hamas has proven that it has an institutional approach. It is true that the assassination of its symbols has caused great damage to it, but it was able to heal its wounds and immediately chose Yahya Sinwar as a successor to the martyr Haniyeh, regardless of Hamas’s motives and what it aims for behind that, and who Sinwar is or why he is specifically, while there could have been someone with more freedom of movement to succeed Haniyeh, but this is an indication that Hamas has begun to reorganize its ranks and circumvent the pressures it faces from every direction, and Sinwar, as it appears to the eye, through his many statements, that he can achieve unity for his movement and for the homeland if he finds a counterpart to him in other movements, especially the Fatah movement, and his conciliatory tone has been repeatedly announced, to the point that he called on the Fatah leadership to return to Gaza and manage its civil affairs, regardless of the nature of this call, but it can be built upon in a way that serves the supreme national interest, not to mention his repeated praise of the late martyr leader Yasser Arafat, and quoting many of his sayings in his public speeches.
It is no secret that just as the Fatah movement needs persistent national work that prioritizes the supreme interests of the Palestinian people to regain the trust of the masses, the same is true for the Hamas movement. It needs work no less in degree to heal the wounds of those who have suffered and endured and are still fleeing from death to death, at a time when the brutal aggression against the Palestinian people is approaching the completion of its first year.
Perhaps Hamas’s choice of Sinwar, who spent more than twenty years behind the occupation’s bars, and his close relations with the captive movement, most notably Marwan Barghouti, a member of the Fatah Central Committee, who is still in the occupation’s “Bastilles,” did not come out of nowhere. It can be read that Hamas, after this huge number of martyrs, wounded, and prisoners, and before the failure of its management of the Gaza Strip during the past 17 years, is in dire need of national unity. Perhaps this is a call to return to the prisoners’ document that was launched years ago to reconcile the two poles of Palestinian national action (Fatah and Hamas), and to end the division between the two parts of the homeland, the damage of which was no less severe than the damage that the occupation inflicted and continues to inflict on people, stones, and various aspects of life in Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem. From here, we can see the insistence of the Hamas movement in its negotiations on the prisoner exchange and its commitment to the release of Marwan Barghouti, Ahmed Saadat and other influential leaders in the prisoner movement, which will undoubtedly have an effective role in completing the national reconciliation and restoring the national movement in all its forms, in a clear exploitation of the Israeli stumbling block in achieving its goals from the ongoing aggression, and the failure to reach or eliminate the resistance, and preparing for the next stage which may carry within its sides many local, regional and perhaps global developments.
On the other hand, the Fatah Revolutionary Council and then the Central Committee - if they have the real desire and strong, sincere will to unite the movement and restore the confidence of the base - are required to hold an extraordinary emergency meeting in which they announce the election of Marwan Barghouti - who many polls have nominated as the most popular figure in the Palestinian street - as the movement's president and to exploit the close relationship with Sinwar, to implement the prisoners' document and move towards completing the internal national and factional reconciliation, and thus pave the way for ending the division.
Some may wonder why Marwan Barghouti? In all transparency, Abu al-Qassam belongs to the Arafat era with all its details, Yasser Arafat, whose glories the Palestinians still sing about and whose legacy they live on, his "protégé" Marwan Barghouti is considered, especially by the Fatah members, as the great hope for unifying the ranks of the Fatah movement and restoring its fighting spirit, its fighting role, and its position in Palestine, the Arab world, and internationally. Barghouti represents the only national case in the Fatah arena, and he is capable of rebuilding the comprehensive national identity, and re-establishing a comprehensive national entity on national foundations. He is the most capable, due to the respect and popularity he enjoys, and in partnership with his counterparts from other factions, especially the new leader of the Hamas movement, Yahya Sinwar, to unify the two parts of the homeland and thus end the destructive division, and create a moral, national, and political uprising in Palestinian society, and inaugurate a new phase in the Palestinian struggle.

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Perhaps Hamas's choice of Sinwar, who spent more than twenty years behind the bars of the occupation, and his close relations with the prisoner movement, most notably Marwan Barghouti, a member of the Central Committee of the Fatah movement, who is still languishing in the occupation's "Bastilles", did not come out of nowhere.