Electing the Palestinian National Council in the Diaspora: A Gateway to Renewing National Legitimacy and Rebuilding Palestinian Representation

The announcement of the start of preparations to complete the election of members of the Palestinian National Council in diaspora countries is an important national milestone that deserves serious and responsible consideration. The issue is not merely about completing the membership of one of the institutions of the Palestine Liberation Organization, but rather it touches upon the essence of the political representation of the Palestinian people and the future of their national system and inclusive institutions. This step comes at an exceptional historical juncture where the Palestinian people face the most dangerous challenges their national cause has known for decades, amidst the ongoing war on the Gaza Strip, escalating settlement and annexation in the West Bank, and increasing attempts to liquidate Palestinian national rights, foremost among them the right of return, self-determination, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. In light of these challenges, renewing national legitimacies and strengthening inclusive representative institutions becomes an urgent national necessity, not only as an organizational entitlement but also as part of the battle for national steadfastness and the defense of historical Palestinian rights. The Palestinian National Council holds a unique position in the Palestinian political system; it is not merely a council for the residents of the Palestinian territories, but rather the national parliament for the entire Palestinian people in the homeland and the diaspora. Since its establishment, the National Council has been the framework through which the unity of the Palestinian people has been embodied despite dispersion, refuge, and occupation. It was the supreme national authority that approved the Palestinian National Charter, elected the political leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and outlined the general course of the Palestinian national struggle. Hence, the importance of the National Council does not stem from the number of its members or its sessions, but from its being the institutional expression of the unity of the Palestinian people and their collective right to national self-determination. Over the past decades, the Palestinian people have witnessed profound political and demographic transformations, and new Palestinian generations have emerged in the homeland and the diaspora who have not had the opportunity for direct participation in electing their representatives to the Palestinian National Council. Therefore, completing the formation of the National Council represents an opportunity to renew representative legitimacy on more democratic and inclusive foundations, thereby enhancing Palestinians' trust in their national institutions and restoring vitality to the Palestine Liberation Organization as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. However, achieving this goal requires that the entire process be based on clear rules of justice, transparency, and broad national participation. If the National Council represents the entire Palestinian people, then the governing principle for its formation must be representative justice. Representation should not be based on quotas, administrative considerations, or pre-existing political agreements, but rather should be based on a clear democratic standard derived from population size and the number of registered voters. If the adopted representation standard in the homeland is approximately one member for every twenty-five thousand citizens, then national and democratic logic dictates adopting the same standard for representing Palestinians in the diaspora. A Palestinian residing in refugee camps in Lebanon or Syria, or in Gulf countries, or in Europe, the Americas, and Australia, has national rights no less than those of a Palestinian residing in the homeland, and their right to participate in national decision-making is not diminished by their place of residence. Hence, the number of representatives allocated to any Palestinian community should be a reflection of its true population size and the number of registered voters within it, not a result of prior understandings or arrangements. Direct elections represent the optimal formula for embodying the popular Palestinian will, and therefore prioritizing them is a positive direction that deserves support. However, legal and political circumstances in some countries may make direct elections impossible in certain cases, which justifies resorting to electoral colleges or national consensus formulas. Nevertheless, these alternatives should remain an exception dictated by necessity, not a permanent rule replacing elections. Elections confer legitimacy, while consensus should be a means to protect national unity when direct democratic practice is not feasible. The issue of Palestinians residing in Jordan is a special case due to the historical, political, and legal considerations governing the Palestinian-Jordanian relationship. Despite understanding this specificity, any treatment of this file should proceed from a firm principle that Palestinian national rights are not forfeited or diminished due to place of residence or legal status. Palestinians in Jordan constitute an integral part of the Palestinian people, and any future treatment of this issue must balance the specificity of the Jordanian-Palestinian relationship with the preservation of comprehensive Palestinian national rights. From the perspective of international law, refuge, migration, or residence outside the homeland does not nullify national status or abrogate the political rights of peoples under occupation or deprived of self-determination. Indeed, the legal status of Palestinian refugees and their collective and individual rights confirm that their participation in their national institutions is not a privilege granted to them, but an inherent right among their political and national rights. Furthermore, the representation of Palestinian refugees within the National Council constitutes one of the political and moral guarantees for the continued defense of the right of return as an inalienable individual and collective right. Despite the importance of this step, its success is not automatically guaranteed. There are real challenges, including: the continued Palestinian political division; weak public trust in political institutions; varying conditions of Palestinian communities from one country to another; difficulties in voter registration and preparing electoral rolls; the need to involve younger generations; the necessity of representing women and national competencies; and ensuring transparency and integrity in all stages of the electoral process. Addressing these challenges requires a sincere national political will that places national interest above narrow factional and organizational interests. For this process to achieve its desired national goals, it is necessary to adopt a set of practical measures: First: Adopting a unified, modern, auditable, and reviewable Palestinian electoral register. Second: Adopting a unified demographic and representative standard in the homeland and abroad based on a clear ratio and proportion between the population size and the number of representatives. Third: Announcing the criteria for representation and election transparently and publicly to all Palestinians. Fourth: Empowering civil society organizations and Palestinian communities to monitor the electoral process. Fifth: Ensuring fair representation for women, youth, and scientific and professional competencies. Sixth: Involving various political forces and independent figures in the process to enhance national partnership. Seventh: Setting a fixed term for National Council membership, to be renewed periodically and regularly through elections or adopted democratic mechanisms. Eighth: Linking the process of forming the National Council to a comprehensive reform plan for the institutions of the Palestine Liberation Organization and enhancing their effectiveness and representative capacity. The real issue is not about electing one hundred and fifty members from the diaspora or two hundred members from the homeland, but about the ability of this process to rebuild the Palestinian national contract on more just, representative, and participatory foundations. The Palestinian people, who have preserved their national identity despite the Nakba, occupation, refuge, and wars, deserve strong, effective, and expressive national institutions that reflect their true will. If the process of completing the National Council succeeds in achieving fair representation, free elections, and broad national partnership, it can constitute an important turning point in the trajectory of the Palestinian national movement and restore vitality to the Palestine Liberation Organization as the inclusive political home for all Palestinians. However, if it is treated as a limited administrative or organizational process, it will lose much of its ability to renew legitimacy and restore public trust. In conclusion: Completing the election of members of the Palestinian National Council in the homeland and the diaspora is not merely a postponed organizational entitlement, but a national and democratic entitlement directly linked to the future of the Palestinian cause and its representative institutions. The closer this process adheres to the principles of democracy, representative justice, transparency, and national partnership, the greater its ability to produce a National Council that truly represents the Palestinian people in all places of their existence. At a time when the Palestinian cause is subjected to attempts of marginalization and liquidation, rebuilding the inclusive national institution and renewing its legitimacy becomes one of the most important tools of national steadfastness, and one of the essential conditions for preserving the unity of the Palestinian people and their inalienable historical rights to freedom, return, self-determination, and independence.