For years, the Israeli colonial entity, its master, and those who orbit around it have sought to target Palestinian legitimacy represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, which it acquired through the struggle and sacrifices of the Palestinian people led by the PLO and its factions, led by its backbone, the Fatah movement, on the path to freedom, independence, self-determination, and the establishment of an independent state with Jerusalem as its capital, and enabling Palestinian refugees to return to their cities and villages from which they were forcibly expelled in 1948.

Why is the targeting escalating?

First: To confiscate the independent Palestinian decision.

Second: Removing the obstacle to liquidating the Palestinian cause with its pillars, establishing the state and the return of Palestinian refugees in implementation of international resolutions.

Third: Undermining the expansion of international recognition of the Palestinian state, which means aborting the racist Zionist Israeli narrative by denying the existence of the Palestinian people and their fundamental and historical right to their homeland, historical Palestine. Fourth: Excluding and marginalizing the representative of the Palestinian people from their legal, political and human rights responsibilities by pursuing the terrorist Israeli colonial entity in international forums, courts, institutions and bodies, as is currently happening in the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, to mobilize broad international opinion aimed at supporting the rights of the Palestinian people to freedom and independence and isolating the Israeli entity internationally, as punishment for its crimes and violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international covenants, charters and agreements, and its failure to abide by the United Nations Charter and its refusal to implement any of its resolutions.

Fifth: Undermining the establishment of an independent Palestinian state recognized internationally by virtue of General Assembly Resolutions No. 181 and 19/67/2012, as this means aborting the Israeli-American plan to enable the artificial Israeli colonial entity to continue its aggressive expansionist policy at the expense of the security, unity and stability of the Arab states.

Sixth: Abolishing the national dimension of the Palestinian people’s struggle for freedom and independence and returning the Palestinian cause to a humanitarian and living dimension, i.e. to the situation that prevailed before the outbreak of the Palestinian revolution on January 1, 1965.

Seventh: Facilitating the use of the Palestinian cause as a card in the hands of regimes as a credential to gain the satisfaction of the Israeli enemy, and consequently the United States of America, especially with the second term of President Trump, which he began by announcing his intention, after what happened to the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip as a result of the war of extermination, ethnic cleansing and destruction committed by the Israeli occupation authorities with American support and enablement, to forcibly displace the sons of the Palestinian people from the Gaza Strip, and prevent them from returning in preparation for repeating the same scenario in the West Bank, the signs of which began weeks ago.

The targeting also aims, through a campaign of systematic doubt and accusations, to undermine the unity of the Palestinian people inside and outside the occupied territories, and to undermine their will to continue their struggle by all internationally guaranteed means until their national goals are achieved, which requires working to put the Palestinian house in order, in a way that enhances its strength and resilience through:

* Freezing any internal differences between the Palestinian forces regarding the national strategy of struggle, and unifying within the framework of the Palestine Liberation Organization and its strategy approved by the National Council and the Central Council, which means that most Palestinian factions agree on it. As long as there is consensus on establishing an independent Palestinian state on the borders of June 4 with Jerusalem as its capital, there is no longer a contradiction between programs and goals.

* Palestinian legitimacy is exclusively represented by the PLO, not the Palestinian Authority, which was established by a decision of the Palestinian Central Council to manage the affairs of citizens within the occupied territories throughout the transitional period that was scheduled, according to the Oslo transitional phase agreement, to end with the end of the Israeli occupation in May 1999, and thus the establishment of the independent Palestinian state.

* The elections of the Legislative Council, which was born according to the Oslo Agreement, did not and will not acquire the legitimacy of national political representation of the Palestinian people before the establishment of the independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, and the implementation of General Assembly Resolution No. 194 enabling Palestinian refugees to return to their cities and villages by virtue of its duties and membership, and by virtue of its non-representation of the Palestinian people abroad and in exile, and by virtue of the automatic membership of the members of the elected Legislative Council in the Palestinian National Council, and what indicates the political role is entrusted only to the Palestine Liberation Organization and its institutions.

* The necessity of immediately ending the political and geographical division between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, which resulted from what Hamas did, according to its name, the military decision.

* Giving priority to the supreme Palestinian interest over all other considerations. This requires a final exit from the box of dependency and external influence and strengthening the independent Palestinian decision, which in no way means neglecting the importance and necessity of coordination with Arab, Islamic, African and friendly countries to form a broad international front to confront the Israeli colonial plan, by perpetuating its occupation of the occupied and internationally recognized Palestinian state lands, and to prevent it from being able to escape implementing international resolutions calling for ending its occupation, and to enable the Palestinian people to establish their independent state with Jerusalem as its capital, and to prevent it, as a result of American support and bias, from escaping accountability and punishment stipulated in the United Nations Charter for its crimes and violations that are internationally punishable against the Palestinian people.

Putting the Palestinian house in order means unifying the Palestinian ranks behind the national goal of liberation from the yoke of the Israeli colonial occupation of the occupied Palestinian state lands, which is internationally recognized and supported by Arab and Islamic countries in particular, and the world that believes in upholding the supremacy of justice, human rights, and the right of peoples to freedom and self-determination in general, the only way to abort the Israeli-American plan for forced displacement, annexation, and subjugation of Palestinian lands, whether to the Israeli colonial occupation authorities or to the American authority.

The attempt to bypass the Palestine Liberation Organization will fail, and it has been proven on the ground that the rejection of the Palestine Liberation Organization, with Jordanian support and support from sister and friendly countries, thwarted the Deal of the Century during Trump’s first term in office, and thus his conspiracy to liquidate the Palestinian cause directly, or through his tools during his current term, will be aborted by bypassing the Palestine Liberation Organization as the representative of the Palestinian people.

The Palestine Liberation Organization is the symbol of legitimacy. It was and will remain so. All the plans of the criminal Israeli entity, the United States of America and its axis to target its legitimacy will fail. It is the difficult number. No matter how great the pressures are, the will of the Palestinian people will prevail, God willing.

This morning, Sunday, the Israeli occupation forces arrested two citizens in the West Bank.

In Bethlehem, the occupation forces stormed the village of Husan and arrested Ahmed Fayez Muhammad Sabatin (40 years old) after raiding and searching his home.

In Hebron, the occupation forces stormed Yatta and arrested Baha’ al-Din al-Najjar, Muhammad Jamal al-Najjar, Muhammad Azmi al-Najjar, Bakr Mahmoud al-Najjar, and Amjad Fayez al-Najjar. From the town of Halhul to the north, they arrested Muqdad Bilal al-Rayyan and Shadi Safwan Abu Yusuf, after raiding their homes and tampering with their contents.

The occupation forces also stormed the town of As-Samu, south of Hebron, and several neighborhoods in the city of Hebron.

In the same context, the occupation forces continued to close the main entrances to the towns, camps and city of Hebron, and tightened their military measures in the neighborhoods of the Old City and the military and electronic checkpoints.

Like a phoenix rising from the ashes of the incense burner, hundreds of free people emerge from the “cemeteries of the living,” filled with mixed feelings of joy and happiness at meeting their loved ones after a long separation, to the point that it was thought they would never meet again, and with the agony of pain from the horror of what they endured behind the curtains of darkness throughout the years of detention.

Scenes of prisoners forced to wear Holocaust-inspired clothing, and the forms of torture and abuse they were subjected to, such as being left shackled all day long, and their wounds patched with threads pulled from their blankets and hand-made obelisks, reflect practices that go beyond what Nazism committed, whose victims’ descendants reproduce its horrors against other victims who had nothing to do with it.

“It could have been better than it was,” revealed Israeli officials who participated in the marathon negotiations throughout the fifteen months of the insane war of extermination. That is, the detainees and prisoners could have been released at a lower price if the fundamentalist biblical agendas that pressured to prolong the war, in order to implement their plans to control Gaza, had been removed.

Trump's Saturday passed quietly, unlike its loud owner who threatened Gaza with hell, but it teaches a lesson that force does not make peace, nor achieve security, and that threats and intimidation do not work with free peoples who redeem their homelands with their blood...

It is ironic that Netanyahu appears to be a "man of peace" in the face of Trump's wildness and madness!

Dr. Jamal Harfoush: The success of the Riyadh Summit will depend on its ability to unify the Arab ranks in a practical position that rises to the level of challenges

Khalil Shaheen: Holding the five-party summit reflects an Egyptian and Jordanian trend to form an Arab consensus that paves the way for the success of the emergency Arab summit

Dr. Saad Nimr: The five-party summit aims to agree on a common vision to be presented to the leaders at the Arab Summit in Cairo

Adnan Al-Sabah: What is required from the five-party summit is a clear position that rejects any attempts to turn the Palestinian issue into an internal file

Dr. Abdul Majeed Suwailem: An important introduction to the Arab Summit and paving the way for building an Arab-Islamic-international front to confront American and Israeli plans

Noman Abed: A clear and comprehensive plan is required to confront Trump’s displacement projects or draw a political map for the Palestinian issue

All eyes are on the upcoming five-party summit in Riyadh, which comes at a sensitive political moment amid Israeli and American ambitions and the fateful challenges facing the Palestinian cause.

In separate interviews with “I”, writers, political analysts, specialists and university professors believe that this summit stands out as a crucial opportunity for the Arabs to transcend narrow calculations and unite their ranks in the face of the dangers threatening Palestinian rights, with anticipation of decisions that go beyond formal condemnation towards practical measures that reflect a real political will, and that the five-party summit will pave the way for decisive decisions at the upcoming Arab summit in Cairo on the 27th of this month.

The writers, analysts, specialists and university professors explain that the five-party summit has strategic dimensions, as it is expected to discuss crucial files, most notably the rejection of forced displacement in Gaza, and stopping the Israeli aggression, in addition to supporting reconstruction through Arab mechanisms that guarantee the return of life to the Strip. The summit is also expected to address ways to confront settlement and Judaization in Jerusalem, while taking steps to strengthen the steadfastness of the Palestinians and confront the plans targeting Islamic and Christian holy sites.

They stress that the results of this summit are of particular importance, as they are linked to the upcoming emergency Arab summit in Cairo, as its outcomes will constitute a test of Arab unity and the ability to formulate a unified position that supports Palestinian rights in international forums. Eyes remain fixed on the expected decisions, amid hopes that they will go beyond slogans to concrete steps that will restore the Palestinian cause to its Arab and international momentum.

A pivotal political station amid regional developments

Professor Dr. Jamal Harfoush, Professor of Scientific Research Methods and Political Studies at the University of the Academic Research Center in Brazil, confirms that the convening of the five-party summit in Riyadh with the participation of Palestine represents a pivotal political station amid regional developments and the fateful challenges facing the Palestinian cause.

Harfoush stresses that this summit may constitute a qualitative shift in the Arab position if it goes beyond the stage of traditional condemnation and moves to taking effective and binding measures that reflect the true Arab political will.

He points out that the current stage, in light of the Israeli escalation and international pressures, requires fateful decisions from Arab leaders that go beyond formal statements, considering that continued Arab inaction or issuing non-binding decisions will only lead to weakening the Palestinian position and opening the way for further Israeli encroachment on Palestinian land.

Harfoush stresses that the success of this summit will depend on the ability of the participating countries to overcome narrow political calculations and internal differences, and to unify the Arab ranks in a practical position that rises to the level of the challenges, especially in light of the Israeli military escalation that aims to impose solutions that do not serve the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.

The five-party summit is expected to focus on a number of crucial issues that reflect the depth of the challenges facing the Palestinian cause.

Harfoush explains that the most prominent expected issues are: rejecting forced displacement and imposing a new reality in Gaza, while calling on the international community to take urgent action to prevent the occupation from implementing policies of genocide and mass displacement against the Palestinians, stopping the Israeli aggression and lifting the siege on the Gaza Strip, while emphasizing the necessity of reconstruction with an Arab guarantee that ensures the return of normal life to the Strip.

Harfoush points out that the summit will emphasize confronting settlement and Judaization in the West Bank and Jerusalem, through direct financial support mechanisms to enhance the steadfastness of the Palestinians and reject any attempts to divide the Al-Aqsa Mosque in terms of time and space, in addition to taking Arab measures to protect Islamic and Christian holy sites from Judaization and violations.

Among the outcomes, according to Harfoush, are unified Arab moves in international forums to support the Palestinian leadership in its efforts to obtain full membership in the United Nations, with an escalation of the legal battle against the occupation before the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, which will enhance international pressure on Israel and expose its ongoing violations.

Also, according to Harfoush, reviewing Arab relations with Israel, by reconsidering the normalization agreements that did not lead to any Israeli commitment to resolving the Palestinian issue, but were rather used to perpetuate the occupation and expand settlements, which requires imposing deterrent economic and diplomatic measures, including freezing security or economic cooperation.

Regarding the relationship between the upcoming five-party summit in Riyadh and the expanded Arab summit in Cairo, Harfoush explains that the five-party summit will be a real test of the unified Arab position, as its results will determine the course of the Cairo summit and its ability to come up with solid decisions.

Harfoush explains that the impact of the five-party summit on the Cairo summit will be tangible through three main axes: crystallizing consensus on clear and binding decisions in preparation for the Cairo summit to come out with more solid decisions. However, if it fails to achieve harmony in positions, this will lead to the weakening of the Cairo summit and make it unable to take decisive decisions.

The second matter, according to Harfoush, is raising the ceiling of decisions at the Cairo Summit. If the five-party summit includes bold positions, such as imposing economic sanctions or international legal steps against the occupation, this will put pressure on the Cairo Summit to adopt similar positions, which will increase the weight of the Arab position in international forums. However, if the results of the five-party summit are weak, this may lead to frustration among the Arab and Palestinian streets.

Harfoush points out that the third matter is to give momentum to international diplomatic movements by establishing a unified Arab diplomatic campaign to support the Palestinian position in international forums, which may give the Cairo Summit additional strength to adopt decisions that support the Palestinian cause strongly and clearly.

Harfoush stresses that the success of the five-party summit in Riyadh will constitute a decisive introduction to the success of the Cairo summit, as the unity of the Arab decision will strengthen the Palestinian position at the international level, while any retreat or complacency in positions will only lead to the continuation of the Israeli aggression without deterrence.

Harfoush stresses that the next stage requires political courage and a strong Arab will, because the Palestinian cause can no longer tolerate more formal statements or non-binding diplomatic declarations.

The coming days will witness important political entitlements

Writer and political analyst Khalil Shaheen confirms that the coming days will witness important political entitlements related to the Gaza Strip file, starting with the five-party summit in Riyadh, which will be held with Palestinian attendance, then the emergency Arab summit in Cairo, followed by a meeting of the foreign ministers of Islamic countries.

Shaheen points out that these political stations fall within the framework of examining mechanisms to confront US President Donald Trump's plan to displace the people of the Gaza Strip.

Shaheen explains that the holding of the five-party summit reflects an Egyptian and Jordanian trend to form an Arab consensus that paves the way for the success of the emergency Arab summit in Cairo, stressing the existence of a clear Arab and Palestinian consensus on rejecting the principle of displacement, despite the continuing disagreements over other files, most notably the reconstruction of Gaza and the conditions for its financing.

Shaheen discusses the details of the Egyptian plan to rebuild the Gaza Strip, explaining that it is being carried out in coordination with the Palestinian side and with the participation of European parties.

Shaheen points out that the plan includes stages that begin with bringing in rubble removal equipment and securing safe areas for the displaced, then moving on to leveling the lands and gradually rebuilding according to specific areas.

It is believed that the dispute over the plan revolves mainly around the financial aspect, as some Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, stipulate that Hamas relinquish management of the Strip as a condition for participating in financing the reconstruction.

Shaheen points out that other Arab parties are linking their support to implementing reforms within the Palestinian Authority, including restructuring or amending the government.

Shaheen refers to a previous Egyptian proposal to form a “community support committee” as a transitional mechanism to manage Gaza outside the framework of Hamas, but it was rejected by President Mahmoud Abbas and the Fatah movement.

Shaheen explains that the Arab position is divided into two main trends: the first supports strengthening the role of the Palestinian Authority on condition that reforms are implemented, whether by forming a new government headed by another figure or by making a limited ministerial amendment while Dr. Muhammad Mustafa remains Prime Minister. The second trend, represented by Egypt, calls for the formation of an administrative committee affiliated with the Palestinian Authority during a transitional period, as a compromise solution that ensures Hamas’s gradual exit from the scene.

Shaheen stresses that the five-party summit represents a decisive station in the Palestinian reconciliation file, as it may witness an Arab consensus on a mechanism for managing the Gaza Strip, which will put pressure on the two parties to the Palestinian division, the Fatah and Hamas movements, to reach an agreement on restructuring the government or forming a transitional committee to manage the Strip.

Shaheen stresses that the absence of internal Palestinian consensus may push Arab countries to impose a ready-made formula as a condition for obtaining Arab support for reconstruction.

He stressed that the emergency Arab summit, which will follow the five-party summit, as well as the Islamic summit, are expected to support the Egyptian proposal for reconstruction, which is being presented as an alternative to the American displacement plan.

Shaheen points out that this plan, if it receives Arab support, will create a new political dynamic and constitute an alternative to the American proposal in international circles.

Regarding reconstruction funding, Shaheen stressed that the success of the Egyptian plan requires broad Arab support, especially from influential countries such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE, in addition to mobilizing international support from the European Union, Russia and China, which usually support the collective Arab position, stressing that Arab consensus on the plan will contribute to facilitating the mobilization of international funding.

Shaheen stresses that the most complex challenge is determining which Palestinian party will supervise the reconstruction process.

Shaheen believes that this file may be resolved either through internal Palestinian consensus or through Arab pressure that imposes a transitional formula, warning of the scenario of a "political vacuum" that may lead to the disruption of the implementation of the reconstruction plan despite the availability of Arab and international support.

Shaheen stresses the necessity for the Palestinians themselves to take the initiative to manage a serious internal dialogue between Fatah and Hamas, with the aim of presenting a consensus formula to the Arab side, to avoid the scenario of imposing ready-made solutions from the outside that do not serve Palestinian interests in the long term.

Preparing for the upcoming Arab Summit in Cairo

Dr. Saad Nimr, Professor of Political Science at Birzeit University, believes that the five-party summit scheduled to be held in Riyadh comes within the framework of preparing for the upcoming Arab summit, with the aim of agreeing on a common vision to be presented to Arab leaders.

Nimr points out that there are leaks talking about an Egyptian plan that may be presented during the five-party summit before the Arab summit is held in Cairo at the end of this month.

Nimr explains that these leaks point to a proposal that gives Egypt the responsibility of military supervision over the Gaza Strip, while another Arab party takes over civil administration and Egypt takes over reconstruction, without involving the Palestinian Authority, which is consistent with Israeli and American proposals that aim to exclude both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas from the political scene.

Nimr expressed his concern that this proposal would lead to the formation of an Arab administration for the Gaza Strip, under Egyptian sponsorship, similar to the situation that existed before 1967.

Nimr points out that this data raises serious questions about Egypt's ability to deal with the security and military challenges in the Gaza Strip.

Nimr stresses that these proposals do not represent a political victory for the Palestinians and do not provide a just solution to the Palestinian issue, as they ignore the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and exclude the main Palestinian parties from any future arrangements.

Nimr links this proposal to previous statements by US President Donald Trump about the possibility of displacing the residents of Gaza, a proposal that caused widespread confusion in Arab positions.

Nimr stresses that the forced displacement of the residents of Gaza is practically impossible, given the absolute Palestinian popular rejection, in addition to the official refusal of Egypt and Jordan to receive any displaced persons from the Strip.

Nimr believes that the upcoming Arab summit will adopt positions rejecting annexation and displacement, but it may remain within the framework of statements without moving to concrete practical steps, as was the custom in previous Arab summits.

Nimr stresses that if the Arabs want their summit to be different this time, they must face the challenges with decisive positions and measures instead of being satisfied with verbal statements.

A pivotal moment in the history of the Arab position

Writer and political analyst Adnan Al-Sabah asserts that the five-party summit in Riyadh represents a pivotal moment in the history of the Arab position towards the Palestinian issue, stressing that what is required from the Arab side is easier than the leaders imagine, but it requires real political will and fateful decisions.

Al-Sabah points out that the essence of the issue is that the Israeli occupation, supported by the United States of America, seeks to hold the Arabs responsible for the consequences of their crime against the Palestinian cause.

Al-Sabah explains that the United States and the occupying state do not want the Palestinians to be displaced to Jordan or Egypt, because that would represent a direct threat to their national security, or would open new fronts that could threaten the stability of the entire region.

Al-Sabah believes that the real responsibility for responding to Trump's displacement plans is a collective Palestinian responsibility, not an Arab responsibility.

Al-Sabah stresses that this approach represents a strategic danger, because the real goal is to push the Palestinians to accept options that do not meet the minimum of their national rights, or to push them into forced migration, while Trump seeks to hold the Arabs responsible for his crisis.

Al-Sabah says: “If what is required is to expel the Palestinian people, then whoever wants that should be asked to bear responsibility, not to evade it and place it on the Arabs alone.”

Regarding the American role in this scenario, Al-Sabah indicates that the administration of US President Donald Trump aims to use the Gaza Strip as a key to expanding its influence in the region.

Al-Sabah points out that the United States is seeking to find an entry point to enter the Gaza Strip under the pretext of achieving stability or reconstruction, while the real goal is to transform Gaza into an American military base from which to manage the region’s conflicts, including pressuring Egypt and controlling the gas fields in the eastern Mediterranean, including Egyptian gas.

It is believed that the American plan does not stop at Palestine, but extends to imposing hegemony over the entire region, and even confronting European interests in the region.

Sabah refers to the dangerous statement made by Trump in his presidential inauguration speech when he said: “The war you win is the war you don’t fight.”

Al-Sabah explains that this phrase reflects the doctrine of American hegemony based on control through political and economic pressures rather than direct wars, stressing that Washington seeks to ignite proxy wars to achieve its goals without direct involvement in long-term conflicts.

Al-Sabah warns that the Arabs' response to American pressure will only bring more chaos and wars in the region, pointing out that the American goal is to dominate the region's wealth and turn it into an arena of permanent conflicts that serve American interests alone, as America seeks to transform itself into an empire that controls the world, and this will only happen through fueling wars and bloodshed.

Al-Sabah stresses that what is required of the Arab leaders at the Riyadh Summit is not a miracle, but rather a clear position that restores the Palestinian cause to its position as a central global issue, especially after the massacre in the Gaza Strip.

Al-Sabah says: “If the Arabs wanted to, the decision would be easier than they imagine, because the presence of the Palestinians on their land is not an Arab problem. It is their own problem, and the problem is with those who force them to emigrate.”

A historic opportunity to redraw the Arab position towards the Palestinian issue

Writer and political analyst Dr. Abdul Majeed Suwailem asserts that the upcoming five-party summit in Riyadh represents a pivotal moment in Arab dealing with the challenges facing the Palestinian cause, warning that the continuation of Arab laxity is no longer acceptable in light of the worsening danger threatening the entire region.

Suwailem stresses that the current stage no longer tolerates the policy of "agreeing to disagree", which characterized Arab positions in the past.

The danger of the situation does not lie only in the practical ability to implement the “Trump fabrication” regarding Gaza, according to Suwailem, who believes that the practical capabilities of such a plan are weak, but it clearly reflects that the danger has become imminent, as Israel or the United States will not hesitate to exploit any favorable opportunity to implement their plans.

Suwailem stresses that this imminent danger forces Arab countries to change their traditional way of dealing with the Palestinian issue, because the threat is now on the doorstep of the Arab world, and it is no longer possible to continue with policies of evasion or to be satisfied with symbolic positions.

Suwailem believes that the Arabs missed an important opportunity after October 7, 2023, when the war broke out on Gaza, as they could have contained the escalating danger if they had taken a firm stance to support the Palestinian people in confronting the Israeli aggression, which was fully supported by the United States. He stressed that what was required at that time was not to enter into a direct war, but rather to adopt a strong and effective political stance that would confront the aggression and highlight to the world the unity of the Arab position.

Suwailem stresses that the failure of the Arab countries to take actual action at that time was a major political loss, as they lost the opportunity to build political credit with their people, and weakened their regional and international position, at a time when the battle was extending beyond the borders of Gaza to a comprehensive threat to Arab national security.

As for the upcoming five-party summit in Riyadh, Suwailem indicates that he does not expect formal decisions to be issued, or decisions limited to the usual condemnation and denunciation, but rather he expects them to result in more advanced steps, even if they are less than the level of the challenges imposed.

Suwailem asserts that the current Arab regimes lack the ability to confront American hegemony or challenge Israeli arrogance in a manner commensurate with the magnitude of the risks, but they are forced to make qualitative decisions that restore some of the lost confidence to their people.

Suwailem explains that the decisions of the five-party summit are expected to include a complete rejection of displacement plans, and an emphasis on the unity of the Palestinian territories, including that the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the Palestinian state, in addition to emphasizing that any future peace process must be conditional on prior recognition of the establishment of the Palestinian state on the borders of June 4, 1967.

Suwailem points out that the five-party summit may also stress that the continuation of Arab relations with Israel or the United States is contingent on their commitment to a real political path that leads to a two-state solution, noting that the existing agreements between some Arab countries and Israel will not hold if the occupation continues to ignore Palestinian rights.

Suwailem asserts that the five-party summit could represent an important introduction to the upcoming Arab summit, with a primary goal of paving the way for building a broad Arab-Islamic-international front to confront American and Israeli plans.

Suwailem stresses that this front must include the countries of the Global South and the European Union, considering that unifying efforts at the regional and international levels can form an impregnable barrier against American-Israeli arrogance.

Suwailem believes that the success of the five-party summit in achieving this goal requires that its outcomes go beyond stereotypical decisions, and that they carry a clear message that defending Palestine is essentially defending Arab national security, pointing out that this fact has become more evident after the escalation of Israeli aggression and the expansion of the scope of its threats.

Suwailem stressed that the five-party summit represents a historic opportunity to redraw the Arab position on the Palestinian issue, calling for it to be transformed into a founding platform for a broader global front that includes Arab and Islamic countries, along with the powers of the global South and the countries of the European Union.

Suwailem stresses that the success of these efforts will be a great victory not only for Palestine, but for truth and justice, as the political realism that the summit must adopt is not one that surrenders to the status quo, but one that faces challenges wisely and effectively, and defends the supreme interests of Palestine and Arab national security.

The results of the "quintet" will be reflected in the outcomes of the Arab Summit

The writer and political analyst specializing in international relations, Naaman Abed, confirms that the American and Israeli vision has become clear regarding the Palestinian issue, as the Israeli occupation state, with the support of the United States of America, seeks to liquidate the Palestinian issue, whether through settlement policies in the West Bank or through plans to displace the residents of the Gaza Strip.

Abed points out that these plans aim to end the conflict in Israel's favor, and to hold the countries of the region responsible for the Palestinian people, ignoring their political, national, and historical rights.

Abed explains that US President Donald Trump's plan, which included the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, was accompanied by escalating Israeli measures, most notably the reoccupation of areas in the Strip, the escalation of settlement activity, and the Judaization of East Jerusalem in the West Bank.

Abed asserts that these steps reveal a comprehensive American-Israeli plan aimed at liquidating the Palestinian cause and removing it from the international agenda, in exchange for placing the burden of its repercussions on Arab and regional countries, especially with regard to the responsibility for Palestinian refugees.

Abed points out that the Egyptian and Jordanian response to the displacement plan was decisive, as the two countries declared their categorical rejection of any proposals related to the displacement of the Palestinian people, stressing that this clear position constituted an obstacle to the passage of projects aimed at liquidating Palestinian national rights.

Abed points to the features of a new Egyptian plan that aims to establish the Palestinian people on their land, especially in the Gaza Strip, through gradual reconstruction with the participation of Palestinian hands and expertise, but with Arab and international support.

Abed explains that this plan stems from a deep awareness of the dangers posed by American and Israeli policies, and emphasizes the necessity of finding solutions that are in harmony with the Palestinian reality and its national rights, foremost among which is the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

Abed stressed that the five-party summit to be held in Riyadh is of great importance, as its results will directly reflect on the outcomes of the upcoming Arab summit in Cairo at the end of this month.

Abed stresses the need for the five-party summit to come up with a clear and comprehensive plan that the Palestinian Authority will review, to confront the Trump administration’s projects, whether in relation to displacement or redrawing the political map of the Palestinian issue according to the Israeli vision.

Abed points out that the plan expected from the five-party summit must be based on three main axes: First, stabilizing the Palestinian people on their land, stopping the Israeli aggression, and starting the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip; Second, drawing a clear political path that leads to ending the occupation and establishing an independent Palestinian state; and Third, strengthening the joint Arab diplomatic movement, including conveying the Arab position in a unified manner to the next Arab summit and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.

Abed warns of the danger of any divisions in Arab and Islamic positions, pointing out that any difference in visions will allow the American administration and Israel to exploit these differences to impose their vision, which revolves around ending the conflict in accordance with American and Israeli interests, and holding the Arab countries responsible for the Palestinian refugees, which would consolidate Israeli expansion projects under the umbrella of what is called “Greater Israel.”

Abed stresses that the success of the Arab plan in confronting the American and Israeli plans requires a unified Palestinian position, based on presenting a comprehensive vision for what is known as the “day after” in the Gaza Strip.

Abed explains that the unified Palestinian position gives additional strength to the Arab position, and supports the decisions of the Arab Summit in the face of American and Israeli pressures that seek to exploit the Palestinian and Arab division to impose solutions that are consistent with the occupation’s ambitions.

Abed stresses that what is required today is to unify the Arab and Islamic position, enhance joint coordination, and develop a comprehensive plan that goes beyond the humanitarian aspect and reconstruction to enter into the heart of the Palestinian cause, through adherence to ending the occupation and establishing an independent Palestinian state with the support of the Arab countries, while stressing that the unity of the Palestinian and Arab ranks is the basic key to the success of these efforts in confronting the American and Israeli plans.

In a lengthy survey by Foreign Affairs, the magazine notes that in the weeks since Israel’s fragile ceasefire on January 19 and a prisoner exchange agreement with Hamas, the question of what should happen to the Gaza Strip and its 2.1 million residents has become increasingly clear. The war has reduced much of Gaza to rubble, its schools, hospitals, civilian infrastructure, and environment largely destroyed, and much of its population lacking adequate shelter.

The constant threat of the ceasefire collapsing has fueled daily fears of further destruction. Even as US President Donald Trump has floated fanciful ideas about the US eventually “taking over” Gaza and permanently transferring its population, outside powers have made little progress in formulating a governance and security strategy for the region now, and Gazans themselves are largely absent from this discussion. It is reasonable to assume that more than 15 months of devastating conflict have changed the perceptions of ordinary civilians in the region about what they want for their future, how they see their land, who they think should rule them, and what they see as the most likely paths to peace. Given the high price they paid for the October 7, 2023, “Al-Aqsa Intifada,” Gazans might have been expected to reject Hamas and favor a different leadership. Likewise, international observers might have expected that after so much hardship, Gazans would be more willing to compromise on greater political aspirations in favor of more pressing humanitarian needs.

“In fact, a survey we conducted in Gaza in early January 2025, shortly before the ceasefire went into effect, tells a more complex story,” the pollsters say.

The representative survey was developed by the research group Artis International and the Centre for Changing the Character of War at Oxford University and conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR). Using census data and samples of people in shelters based on their original home locations to ensure geographic diversity, the survey included 500 face-to-face interviews with Gazans—248 women and 252 men—aged between 18 and 83. The margin of error was plus or minus four percentage points. The survey found that despite Hamas’s decline in popularity since the first months of the war, the movement’s current alternatives attract much less support than the movement, opening the way for Hamas to once again consolidate its influence over Gaza.

The war has also strengthened rather than weakened Gazans’ commitment to maximalist political goals, while eroding support for a two-state solution. Perhaps most strikingly, the survey shows that Gazans still hold strong core values related to their Palestinian and religious identity and connection to the land, values they intend to uphold even if doing so requires great personal sacrifice. As the United States and its regional and international partners confront the reality of postwar Gaza, the survey results may challenge the assumption that any move toward peace with Israel cannot satisfy—or at least symbolically recognize—some of these core values.

One of the survey’s key questions asked respondents which of the possible solutions to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict they considered acceptable and realistic. Before the war in Gaza began, research showed that a clear majority of Palestinians in Gaza supported a two-state solution, while only 20 percent supported a military solution that would lead to the destruction of the State of Israel. In the January survey, less than half, or 48 percent, favored a two-state solution, while nearly the same proportion, 47 percent, favored dismantling the Jewish state. Only five percent saw the third alternative, a binational democratic state with equal rights for Arabs and Jews, as acceptable and realistic.

Moreover, although partition was acceptable and realistic to 48%, only 20% supported a two-state solution consistent with UN resolutions based on the 1967 borders. The remaining supporters of partition preferred a two-state solution that included either a “right of return” for descendants of Palestinian refugees to their homes in Israel (17%) or a return to the 1947 UN partition plan (11%). Among the 47% who favored dismantling Israel, a clear majority chose a single state under Islamic law that would tolerate Jewish presence and allow Jews full rights (27%), followed by a smaller group that sought to transfer Jewish immigrants and their descendants—but not Jews whose ancestors lived in the area before Zionism—from Israel itself and the Palestinian territories (20%). The poll also showed how Gazans’ views on Hamas have changed. Prior to October 7, 2023, when the Gaza Strip was still intact, polls showed that popular support for Hamas had been declining for some time. The decline was the result of a variety of factors, including stagnant living conditions and a lack of movement on Hamas’s promise of armed resistance against Israel and toward the establishment of a Palestinian state. As Khalil Shikaki, director of the Palestinian Center for Research and Policy Studies, has argued, the October 7 attack could be seen as an attempt by Hamas to break out of a politically unacceptable status quo.

During the first months of the war, Gazans’ attitudes toward Hamas improved. In March 2024, a poll conducted by the Palestinian Center for Public Policy and Survey Research found that support for Hamas’s control of the Strip had risen to more than 50 percent, a 14-point increase from the period before the October 7, 2023 attack. At that time, most Gazans believed that Hamas would continue to control the Strip and was winning the war against Israel. But by January 2025, with the elimination of the group’s top leadership and further destruction of Gaza, that support had eroded again, the poll found.

The January 2025 poll found that Hamas retains the support of only a fifth of Gazans—a sharp decline from the March 2024 poll. Support for other political factions, including the PLO, was even lower, however. In fact, when Gazans were asked to choose between the current options for Palestinian leadership, the most common answer was that none of them truly represents the people. In fact, Gazans believe that the Israeli leadership does a much better job of representing Israelis than the Palestinian leadership does of representing Palestinians.

In short, the survey reveals a Palestinian leadership vacuum that Hamas, despite its decline, is rapidly filling. As some analysts have noted, the organization’s reassertion of authority has been aided by the absence of a viable alternative plan to Palestinian rule from Israel or the United States, and by the Trump administration’s talk of a proposal long championed by the Israeli far right: a population “transfer.” According to Khalil Shikaki, most Gazans do not believe Hamas won the war. “Yet they do not seem to see a better alternative,” he adds.

While the lack of strong support for Hamas may obscure a larger truth about the group’s role in Gaza, as the survey results suggest, despite Gazans’ perceptions of a crisis in Palestinian political leadership, a majority of the population remains committed to Hamas’s political principles, such as sharia as the law of the land, the right of Palestinian refugees and their descendants to return to homes they lost when Israel was created in 1948, and the pursuit of Palestinian national sovereignty.

As the January 2025 survey found, Gazans show a high degree of group identification as Palestinians, and many express a willingness to make costly personal sacrifices to achieve specific goals such as Islamic law as the law of the land, the right of refugees and their descendants to return to the homes they lost when Israel was created in 1948, and the pursuit of Palestinian national sovereignty. For each of these core values, the more costly sacrifices respondents were willing to make, the less willing they were to make peace with Israel. Respondents viewed Palestinians as much stronger spiritually than they were physically. This was the opposite of how they viewed Israel and the United States.

Gazans also show a clear tendency to view the conflict with Israel in religious rather than political terms, as a struggle to liberate Muslims from Jewish oppression. But Palestinian religious belief does not necessarily mean intolerance of other groups.

The survey found that for Gazans more broadly, the willingness to sacrifice themselves for shared goals so far in a brutal war strongly suggests that they are unlikely to abandon their struggle simply for personal and family security. This raises questions about the various international “day after” plans for Gaza, which seem to assume that providing personal safety and livelihoods—a cessation of hostilities coupled with the delivery of aid, tents and basic necessities—can stabilize the region even without Palestinian self-determination.

According to the poll, about half of respondents said they expected peace, 44% expected a long-term truce, and 7% expected more war. But among the roughly half of respondents who expected peace, two groups emerged roughly equal in size: those who expected peace as a negotiated outcome (24%) and those who expected peace to arise from the dissolution of Israel (25%). Respondents who expected a temporary truce or war believe that Israelis and Palestinians will not reach a lasting peace either because the required concessions are rejected by the opposing side or because they are too painful for one or both sides to contemplate.

The continued commitment of Gazans to the Palestinian cause may point to forms of compromise that have been ignored until now. For example, it is no secret that Hamas is committed to a sovereign Palestinian state, the right of return, and Islamic law—all of which would be achieved by eliminating Israel as a state. However, Hamas leaders have suggested in the past that they do not view a sovereign Palestine “from the river to the sea” and the dismantling of Israel as non-negotiable values. Studies conducted by the Foreign Affairs polling team between 2006 and 2013 suggested that the right of return, though considered sacred, could be reframed so that it remains non-negotiable in principle but negotiable in practice.

Such an understanding might require, for example, meaningful symbolic gestures from the other side, such as a sincere Israeli apology for the expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and lands, Israel’s acceptance of the return of a limited number of refugees and their descendants, and some form of blood money, or financial compensation, to victims or heirs of victims of the Nakba, the mass displacement of Palestinians during the founding of Israel in 1948, as a form of historical reparations.

The poll concludes that after waging a 15-month “all-out war” on the Gaza Strip, Israel may be further away than ever from pacifying Gaza. This is not just because Israel has failed to offer anything resembling a political strategy or a plausible plan for the future of the Palestinians while radicalizing them in a quest for revenge for their killed relatives and lost homes. The poll shows that Gazans, by a large majority, believe their identity and place in the world are more at risk than ever, a sentiment that keeps them resilient and fighting.

A citizen was injured last night when settlers attacked his vehicle in the village of Al-Minya, east of Bethlehem.

Local sources reported that citizen Issa Abu Ahour was injured in his eyes by flying glass fragments after settlers attacked his vehicle near the Minya roundabout.

In another context, the occupation forces stormed the Al-Ain area in the western village of Husan, without any arrests being reported.

The Israeli occupation forces continue their aggression on the city of Tulkarm and its camp for the 21st consecutive day, and for the eighth day on the Nour Shams camp, amidst a military escalation accompanied by military reinforcements and a comprehensive siege.

According to local sources, the occupation forces continued during the past night hours to push their soldiers and vehicles into the city from the "Tsna'oz" military checkpoint to the west, where they roamed the city's streets and neighborhoods, especially the northern and eastern ones, coinciding with the flight of reconnaissance aircraft at a low altitude.

She added that the occupation forces were stationed on Al-Alimi Street and Nablus Street, which connects the Tulkarm and Nour Shams camps, and stopped vehicles, searched them, checked the identities of their passengers, and subjected them to interrogation.

The occupation forces are still seizing a number of houses in the eastern and northern neighborhoods of the city, especially those close to and adjacent to Tulkarm camp, and turning them into military barracks after evacuating their residents.

These forces arrested two young men from the Dhnaba suburb east of Tulkarm, after raiding their homes: Ahmed Abd Rabbo and Abd al-Basit Malouh, while they raided the home of the al-Anbas family, searched it, and vandalized its contents.

Tulkarm and Nour Shams camps witnessed large crowds of infantry forces, where they raided citizens' homes, searched them and destroyed their contents, specifically in the neighborhoods of Al-Manshiya, Al-Jami', Al-Joura, Al-Shuhada and Al-Madaris in Nour Shams camp, amidst a complete siege and ongoing aggression, which exacerbated the difficult conditions with the forced displacement of thousands of residents, whose number exceeded 15 thousand displaced persons from the two camps.

Eyewitnesses told WAFA that the occupation forces are blowing up the doors of houses and smashing them in Nour Shams camp when they raid them, and they are destroying their contents, including doors, windows and furniture. They also used citizens as human shields when raiding houses and bringing in filming drones, which spreads a state of fear and confusion among the residents.

Eyewitnesses added that the occupation forces caused destruction and vandalism in the houses they seized and turned into military barracks in the Jabal al-Nasr neighborhood in the camp, and tore up the Holy Quran and threw it on the ground, which is what happened in the house of citizen Hussein Damiri.

In a later development, the occupation forces fired flares in the skies of Tulkarm camp, concentrated in the airport neighborhood, accompanied by live ammunition, and search and combing operations in the area.

Meanwhile, the occupation bulldozers continued to destroy and demolish what remained of the infrastructure in the two camps, which affected the water, electricity, sewage and communications networks, amidst the sound of live bullets and huge explosions.

In this context, schools and kindergartens in the city, its camps and suburbs remain closed since the beginning of the Israeli aggression, as the educational process has been converted to an electronic system, in order to preserve the safety of students and teaching staff in light of the continued deployment of occupation forces and their vehicles throughout the city and its suburbs, with the siege imposed on the Tulkarm and Nour Shams camps.

At the same time, the occupation forces continue to close the gate of the Jabara checkpoint at the southern entrance to the city of Tulkarm for the ninth consecutive day, isolating the city from the villages and towns of Al-Kafriyat and the rest of the West Bank governorates.

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The Israeli occupation continues its aggression on the city of Jenin and its camp for the 27th consecutive day, leaving 25 martyrs, dozens of injuries, and widespread destruction of property and infrastructure.

Warplanes and drones are deployed intensively in the skies of Jenin city, and the occupation is turning citizens' homes into military barracks. It has also deployed infantry divisions near the prisoner's mosque in Jenin camp, and continues to push large forces from its army deep into Jenin camp.

This morning, the occupation forces were stationed near the Al-Nimr gas station in the city of Jenin, and fired live ammunition intensively in its vicinity.

As the occupation's aggression against Jenin camp continues, the massive destruction is revealed day after day in the homes, properties and shops of citizens in the neighborhoods and streets of the camp, while military reinforcements continue, accompanied by bulldozers and fuel tankers, to the entrances and surroundings of the camp, amidst demolition and bulldozing operations in the Mahyoub Street area in Jenin camp.

The occupation also destroyed the home of the martyr Amjad Al-Fayed, and the homes of his uncles, the martyrs Amjad, Issam and Muhammad Al-Fayed, in Jenin camp.

The occupation forces stormed the town of Araba, south of Jenin, and arrested a young man. They also stormed the town of Yamoun at dawn, raided homes, and destroyed their contents.

The Israeli occupation forces sent additional military reinforcements to the city of Tulkarm and its two camps: Tulkarm and Nour Shams, as its aggression continues for the 20th consecutive day.

According to local sources, the occupation forces continued throughout the day to push their soldiers and vehicles into the city, from the "Tsna'oz" military checkpoint to the west, where they roamed the city's streets and neighborhoods, especially the northern and eastern ones, and obstructed the movement of vehicles and citizens.

She added that the occupation forces were stationed on Nablus Street, which connects the Tulkarm and Nour Shams camps, and stopped and searched vehicles, checked the identities of their passengers, and subjected them to interrogation, while they assaulted a young man and caused him bruises all over his body.

The Palestinian Red Crescent Society reported that a citizen was injured after being beaten by the occupation forces in Tulkarm and was transferred to the Martyr Thabet Thabet Governmental Hospital.

The occupation forces continued to seize a number of houses in the eastern and northern neighborhoods of the city, especially those close to and adjacent to Tulkarm camp, and turn them into military barracks after forcibly evacuating their residents.

Tulkarm and Nour Shams camps witnessed large crowds of infantry forces, where they raided citizens' homes, searched them and destroyed their contents, specifically in the neighborhoods of Al-Manshiya, Al-Jami', Al-Joura, Al-Shuhada and Al-Madaris in Nour Shams camp, amidst a tight siege and ongoing aggression, which exacerbated the difficult conditions with the forced displacement of thousands of residents, whose number exceeded 15 thousand displaced persons from the two camps.

Meanwhile, the occupation bulldozers continued to destroy and demolish what remained of the infrastructure in the two camps, which affected the water, electricity, sewage and communications networks, amidst the sound of live bullets and huge explosions.

Military escalation in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and a humanitarian crisis “unprecedented in Africa” are dominating the African Union summit in the Ethiopian capital.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has urged dialogue between warring parties in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. It comes hours after the Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group entered the northern outskirts of the eastern city of Bukavu. “There is no military solution. The crisis must end, and dialogue must begin,” he said, amid fears the fighting could escalate into a wider regional conflict. He called for an end to the flow of weapons into Sudan to protect civilians, referring to “an unprecedented humanitarian crisis on the African continent.”

He also stressed that peace in the Middle East is possible, noting that this begins with a two-state solution. Guterres added, before a summit in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, that the Palestinian people “have suffered more than necessary.” The UN Secretary-General stressed the need to “avoid a resumption of fighting in Gaza at all costs.”

Angolan President João Lorenzo took over the presidency of the African Union from his predecessor, Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, as part of the two-day summit. A new chairman of the African Union Commission is expected to be elected to replace Chadian Moussa Faki, as part of an institutional reform process expected to take place at the 38th summit.

Three candidates from the East African bloc are competing for the position: former Kenyan President Raila Odinga, Djibouti Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, and former Madagascar Foreign Minister Richard Andrea Mandrato. The winner of the position must obtain the votes of two-thirds of the members, which none of the candidates have so far.

The summit agenda also includes approving the reports of the Peace and Security Council, institutional reform of the Union, and developing the African Free Trade Area project, as well as the pivotal issue of “compensation for the colonial period and slavery.”

The summit sessions, which are held under the theme “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations,” are expected to discuss. The African Union said in its press release that its leaders will discuss establishing a “common, united front” that brings together Africans and the African diaspora to achieve justice and reparations for historical crimes and mass atrocities committed against them, including colonialism, apartheid, genocide and slavery. The leaders are calling for historical recognition of the injustices inflicted on Africans, the return of lands, the preservation of cultural heritage and international responsibility, and reaching common positions on reparations and appeasement.

The summit began with a speech by the outgoing Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki, and a speech by the UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres. The rest of the African leaders are expected to deliver their speeches later.

In his speech, Moussa Faki called for solidarity and action to confront the continent’s political, economic and diplomatic challenges, and to combat health disasters such as “Covid-19”, Ebola and “smallpox”, in addition to what he called progress in the institutional reform of the Union, and expanding partnerships that enhance the credibility of the continent.

Faki also criticized US President Donald Trump's proposal to deport Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to Jordan and Egypt, and denounced the silence of major powers on the ongoing Israeli war on the Gaza Strip. Faki referred to the violent conflicts sweeping the continent, in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as tragedies that concern the continent, and the concerns that may result from them regarding peace, security, governance and political structures.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres pledged to work for Africa to obtain a permanent seat on the Security Council, saying, according to the official Ethiopian News Agency: “Africa does not yet have permanent representation on the Security Council, despite its international importance, and the United Nations will work with the African Union and member states to obtain this seat.” Guterres stressed that the current summit is an opportunity to send a message to the world that Africa needs to ease the burdens resulting from historical colonialism.

In turn, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said in his opening speech that the summit’s title makes the process of healing the wounds of historical injustice an important task to overcome the suffering that has affected the development of the continent’s peoples, put an end to poverty, discrimination and exploitation of resources, and establish the values of transformation and change to overcome the imbalances of the past and address grievances.

He called for transcending the historical differences resulting from the borders drawn by colonialism, by developing solidarity among all the peoples and nations of the continent, and building a common destiny to benefit from the enormous energies available in Africa.

Armed conflicts in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are expected to occupy a large space in the summit discussions, especially the major escalation of fighting in the two countries in recent days.

On the sidelines of the summit, technical meetings were held yesterday, Friday, to address the Sudanese crisis and the humanitarian situation in the country, and renewed what it described as “the worst humanitarian crisis in the world,” and called on the parties to stop fighting and enter into negotiations between the two warring parties.

The Chairman of the African Union High-Level Committee on Sudan, Mohamed Ibn Chambas, said that the insistence of the two warring parties on military solutions and ignoring a negotiated settlement are the biggest obstacles to resolving the conflict.

In January 2024, the African Union announced a high-level committee of three prominent African figures: the committee’s chair, Mohamed Ibn Chambas, and the membership of former Ugandan Vice President Speciosa Wandira Kazbwe, and former Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission in Somalia, Francisco Madeira. The committee’s mission is to bring together Sudanese “stakeholders” from civilian forces, warring military parties, and regional and international actors to restore the democratic civilian transition, achieve peace and stability, and establish a constitutional system in the country. However, the committee’s work has been hampered by the Sudanese government’s refusal in Port Sudan to return to negotiations and its suspension of its membership in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The Palestinian Prisoners Club said that the occupation forces have used every tool to torture and humiliate prisoners, the latest of which is forcing prisoners to wear jackets with threatening phrases written on them and bracelets with threatening phrases.

The club explained in a statement on Saturday evening that within the framework of the organized terrorism practiced by the occupation against the released prisoners and their families, the occupation system did not leave any tool of humiliation, abuse and torture without using it against the prisoners and their families, as the prison system forced the prisoners before their release today to wear jackets on which threatening phrases were written, and it had previously forced them to wear bracelets with phrases on them that also fall within the framework of threats.

He stressed that the Israeli prison system continues to torture prisoners, and that all occupation agencies continue to threaten prisoners and their families. This is an extension of a policy that has been used for many years, but it has clearly escalated during the recent liberation operations.

He pointed out that the occupation did not stop at its crimes against the prisoners, but also practiced organized terrorism against their families, through threats that reached the level of arrest and killing, and storming homes and carrying out acts of sabotage and destruction inside them.

He pointed out that the majority of the prisoners who were released in the deal, as well as the majority of those released after the war of extermination, suffer from health problems, and many of them were transferred to hospitals, as a number of them were transferred to the hospital today, due to the crimes they are exposed to, most notably the crimes of torture and medical crimes, and the crime of starvation, in addition to the systematic abuse and humiliation, including severe beatings carried out by the repression units, which aim to kill the prisoners, or cause them injuries and health problems that are difficult to treat later, and as many prisoners reported, the prison system deliberately uses severe beatings before releasing them.

The Prisoners Club said: Today, after 36 prisoners were released from life sentences, and 333 prisoners from Gaza who were arrested after October 7, as part of the sixth batch of the first phase, the prisoners’ bodies specifically reflected their health conditions, and the need for some of them to be transferred to the hospital, the level of atrocities that the prisoners were exposed to over the past period in the occupation’s prisons.

He pointed out that among the prisoners who were released today are sick prisoners who suffered years of medical crimes, most notably prisoner Mansour Muqaddah and prisoner Iyad Haribat.

The Prisoners Club warned that there are still more than ten thousand prisoners in the occupation prisons, and this number does not include all the detainees in Gaza, as hundreds of them face the crime of enforced disappearance, stressing that the time factor is the main factor affecting the fate of prisoners in prisons, as the more time passes in their continued detention, the more the level of risks to their fate increases.

The Prisoners Club stressed that the goal of all these crimes and threats is not only an attempt to kill and rob the joy of freedom, but also to undermine the status of the Palestinian prisoner in the Palestinian collective consciousness.

The families of the Israeli prisoners held in the Gaza Strip confirmed on Saturday that they will not allow Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to obstruct the implementation of the second phase of the prisoner exchange deal with Hamas.

She stressed that any disruption of this stage would be due to Netanyahu's political and personal interests.

These statements came during a press conference organized by the prisoners' families in front of the Israeli Defense Ministry headquarters in Tel Aviv.

During the conference, a relative of the Israeli prisoners in Gaza said: “We will not allow Netanyahu to obstruct the completion of the second stage of the deal (the ceasefire agreement in Gaza and the prisoner exchange with Hamas) because of his political and personal calculations. The lives of the prisoners must not be held hostage to the interests of the government.”

He added: "We demand that the government immediately send the negotiating delegation and grant it all the necessary powers to complete the second phase of the deal without procrastination or delay."

He stressed that "returning to war in Gaza is not justified, and cannot be used as an excuse to thwart the deal," referring to the escalation demanded by some hardline ministers in the Israeli government.

For his part, another relative of one of the Israeli prisoners in Gaza said: “The extremist ministers in the government are trying to obstruct the implementation of the agreement, headed by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich,” referring to the latter’s position, which opposes the completion of the deal and calls for the resumption of military operations in Gaza.

During the conference, the families called on all Israelis to "participate in demonstrations supporting the implementation of all stages of the exchange deal, to pressure the government to prevent any attempt to freeze or thwart the agreement."

Amid the escalating controversy over the future of the agreement, Netanyahu will hold a security meeting on Saturday evening, after the expiration of the deadline proposed by US President Donald Trump last week, which called for the resumption of the ceasefire in Gaza if all Israeli prisoners held by Palestinian factions were not released.

Earlier on Saturday, Trump announced that his administration would abide by any decision taken by Tel Aviv regarding the ceasefire agreement in Gaza, after Hamas released three Israeli prisoners, including an American citizen.

"Israel will now have to decide what to do about the 12:00 PM deadline today to release all prisoners," Trump said in a post on Truth Social.

On Monday, Trump said: “The ceasefire must be cancelled if all prisoners in Gaza are not released by 12:00 noon on Saturday, and if that is not done, all hell will break loose.”

As part of implementing the first phase of the agreement, the Al-Qassam Brigades and the Al-Quds Brigades, the military wings of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, handed over three Israeli prisoners to the International Committee of the Red Cross on Saturday, including two who hold American and Russian citizenship.

It is worth noting that the ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement entered into force on January 19, and it is an agreement that includes three stages, each lasting 42 days. According to the terms of the agreement, each stage is negotiated separately before moving to the next stage, with the mediation of Egypt and Qatar, and with the support of the United States.

All eyes are on the emergency Arab summit that will be held on the 27th of this month in the Egyptian capital, Cairo, and it is seen as a turning point in the history of Arab positions on the Palestinian issue.

In separate interviews with "I" dot com, writers, political analysts, specialists and university professors confirm that in light of the escalating challenges facing the Palestinian cause and even the surrounding Arab countries, the summit emerges as a crucial opportunity to reject American and Israeli policies that aim to liquidate the Palestinian cause and impose unilateral solutions that do not suit the aspirations of the Arab peoples, between supporting settlements and Israeli expansion.

They point out that the Arab countries find themselves, in light of these serious challenges, facing a real test of their unified position, as American statements have increased regarding the displacement of Palestinians to other countries in the region, which constitutes a direct threat to Arab national security.

Writers, analysts, specialists and university professors believe that this summit may carry a glimmer of hope if the verbal escalation is translated into practical steps, as the summit is an opportunity to demonstrate the strength of the Arabs in the face of American pressures. They stress that if the summit succeeds in unifying the Arab ranks around firm positions, it may constitute a shift in the regional role of the Arab countries, which contributes to redrawing the map of political and economic alliances, while affirming the Palestinian right to self-determination and the establishment of an independent state.

An Arab message in the face of the Trump administration's challenge

Dr. Saeed Shaheen, Professor of Political Media at Hebron University, stresses the importance of the upcoming emergency Arab summit, despite what he described as a lack of confidence in the outcomes of previous successive Arab summits and the inability of regimes to implement their decisions.

Despite these reservations, Shaheen believes that this summit carries a glimmer of hope, and is considered a message from the Arab countries to the Trump administration, which is defying their will, rejecting displacement and settlement projects that aim to liquidate the Palestinian cause at the expense of other Arab countries.

Shaheen explains that these projects, which the fanatical American administrations tried to impose over decades in favor of the occupying state due to its absolute bias, were categorically rejected and thwarted by the Arab system.

Shaheen says: “This summit is an opportunity to show a unified, firm and strict Arab position in the face of Trump and Netanyahu, who seek to fulfill biblical prophecies about Greater Israel, and to satisfy Zionist fascism by adopting its positions, which are supported by the right-wing Israeli society led by Netanyahu, Ben-Gvir, and Bezalel Smotrich.”

Shaheen stresses the necessity for the outcomes of the Arab Summit to include a threat to reject the continued presence of American bases in the Arab region, and to threaten its vital interests in the Arab region if it continues to support Israeli policies, present ideas that contradict the principle of the two-state solution and the Arab Peace Initiative, and deny the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.

Shaheen points out that what is required from this summit is more than diplomatic action. Rather, it requires refusing to visit Washington and threatening to sever relations with the American administration if it continues to adopt the language of threats and intimidation towards the Arab countries, in addition to strengthening relations with countries such as China, Brazil, Russia and India, which are countries that reject American arrogance and support the Palestinian right.

Regarding the Palestinian position, Shaheen stressed that the issue of ending the division and achieving national reconciliation between the Fatah and Hamas movements must be a priority, stressing the importance of responding to the outcomes of the reconciliation dialogues, the latest of which was the Beijing Statement.

Shaheen says: “It is necessary to achieve national unity and develop a consensual struggle program that includes all Palestinian forces, in addition to reforming the PLO to be inclusive of all Palestinian political spectrums.”

Shaheen calls for activating popular resistance, and for the Palestinian community to address its brothers and friends in the world to confront Israeli plans by respecting international law and the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations.

Translating data and attitudes into practical actions

Writer and political analyst Muhammad Hawash asserts that the Arab summit, which will be held in Cairo at the end of this month, comes at a very important time, in light of the increasing Israeli escalation and statements by US President Donald Trump that raise concerns about projects aimed at displacing Palestinians under the slogan of “solving the Palestinian issue.”

Hawash warns that the summit must be more than just political statements or traditional positions, but must be translated into practical actions that pressure the Israeli occupation and thwart the US president’s plans.

Hawash explains that Netanyahu's recent statements, in which he called on Saudi Arabia to provide lands for the Palestinians to establish their state, constitute a serious violation of the rights of the Palestinian people and an infringement of international law.

Hawash says: “The current Israeli policy, which is strengthened by Trump’s positions, even goes beyond the Palestinians’ right to self-determination and the establishment of their state on their lands. Rather, it seeks to solve the Palestinian problem at the expense of the Arabs and by asking them to help transfer the Palestinians to lands other than their lands.”

Hawash warns that the continued unlimited American support for Israel means that Arab countries face a major challenge in dealing with these policies, as the American administration, led by Trump, seeks to impose a new reality on the Palestinian land that reflects Israel’s interests, which threatens not only the Palestinians, but also Arab national security.

Hawash says: “The Arab summit must clearly reject the American and Israeli statements and measures that seek to liquidate the Palestinian cause, and reject the settlement and displacement projects that pose a serious threat to the Palestinian existence.”

Hawash believes that the Arab summit should not be limited to rejection only, but should witness practical action represented by imposing sanctions on the Israeli occupation, working to strengthen the internal Palestinian front, in addition to taking tangible steps to support the Palestinian economy and activate popular resistance.

Hawash asserts that the Arab countries possess many strengths that can be used to confront the Israeli project supported by America, such as the ability to control oil and gas prices, which are part of the components of the prices of all manufactured goods, the strategic geographical location, as well as the large Arab market that exceeds 400 million people.

Hawash believes that using these cards could contribute to confronting Western support for Israel, and constitute an element of pressure on Western countries to reconsider their policies towards the Israeli occupation.

Hawash asserts that the Arabs today possess great economic and strategic power through which they can confront American pressures, especially since the Arab countries are considered the main player in the international trade corridors between the East and the West, which gives them the ability to impose their positions on the international scene.

"If Israel and the United States are betting on changing the reality through threats and pressures, the Arabs must unite and show strength in practical positions," Hawash says.

Hawash points out that the upcoming Arab summit is a decisive test for the Arab world in protecting the rights of the Palestinian people, stopping Israeli expansion, and confronting American hegemony.

"The summit will not be just talk," Hawash says. "This time, the summit must be the one that translates practical steps into diplomatic positions and economic measures that require Israel and the United States to respond to them seriously."

He stressed that the emergency Arab summit will be decisive in determining the political future of the Palestinian issue and the Arab role in confronting the Israeli threats supported by Trump.

Hawash asserts that the real power of Arab countries lies in their ability to organize, plan, and implement decisions that place Palestinian rights at the heart of their priorities, not just statements that do not bring about real change on the ground.

Hawash stresses the importance of Arab countries being serious about rebuilding the Gaza Strip away from international pressures, affirming that Arab countries are capable of making this decision without the need for the approval of Israel or the United States.

"If Western countries, especially the United States, are trying to obstruct the reconstruction of Gaza, the Arabs must take practical steps that will enable them to rebuild the Strip with their own hands, and declare explicitly that there is no place in the future for Western hegemony in the Palestinian issue," Hawash says.

Regarding the internal Palestinian situation, Hawash points out the necessity for the Arab summit to push towards achieving Palestinian reconciliation and forming a strong national unity among all Palestinian factions, while emphasizing the role of the PLO as an incubator for the national project.

Hawash stresses the necessity for the Arab Summit to impose a direction that leads to Hamas relinquishing power in Gaza, and for it to integrate as a basic component into the PLO to remove pretexts for relief and reconstruction operations.

Hawash says: “The unity of the Palestinian position is the first step towards confronting the Israeli plans, and there must be a unified Palestinian movement, especially in light of the increasing international support for the Palestinian cause.”

sensitive and complex stage

Writer and political analyst Mohamed Gouda explains that the upcoming Arab summit, which will be held in Cairo at the end of this month, comes at a sensitive and complex stage, in light of the ongoing developments in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and the subsequent statements at the recent Trump-Netanyahu summit in the White House, and the new reality that the occupation is trying to impose on the ground.

Joda expects that the political discourse at the upcoming summit will be escalatory, but the most important question is: “Will this escalation be translated into practical action, or will the language remain confined to the traditional framework?”

Joda points out that current data indicates attempts to introduce new language that reflects the deteriorating reality, with the possibility of escalating statements, but he stresses that the actual outcomes will remain subject to the balance of Arab interests.

"Today, it is not enough to issue statements of condemnation or to affirm the constants. What is required is practical decisions that are translated into actual steps that support Palestinian steadfastness and impose a cost on the occupation for its aggressive policies," Joda said.

Joda points out that Israel seeks to impose a fait accompli policy, by displacing Palestinians and changing the demographic character of the Palestinian territories, including Gaza, the West Bank and Jerusalem, especially in the wake of US President Donald Trump’s statements about displacement and possession of Gaza.

Jodeh stresses that confronting these ambitions requires work on several levels, Palestinian, Arab and international.

Joudeh stresses the need to strengthen Palestinian national unity to confront the occupation’s plans, and to activate popular resistance in all its forms, in addition to strengthening economic and social steadfastness, and for the Palestine Liberation Organization and its government to assume full responsibility for the Gaza Strip as an integral part of the Palestinian state.

Joudeh calls on Arab countries to move from the circle of condemnation to taking practical steps, such as imposing economic sanctions on the occupation, activating political and diplomatic pressure tools, as well as supporting the Palestinians financially and logistically, and pressuring for the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip.

Joda points out the importance of investing in the growing international support for the Palestinian cause, working to legally pursue the occupation in international courts, and strengthening international alliances with countries that reject Israeli policies.

Joudeh stresses that confronting Zionist-American ambitions requires a shift in action and not just in statements, as the occupation exploits the absence of decisive responses to pass its aggressive plans.

A fundamental shift in the positions of Arab countries

Political science professor Dr. Suhail Diab believes that the emergency meeting called for by the Arab League on the 27th of this month reflects a unified Arab position in the face of American-Israeli plans to redraw the map of the Middle East in a way that serves Israeli interests alone.

Diab explains that this step represents a fundamental shift in the positions of Arab countries, especially the Saudi-Egyptian-Jordanian axis, which seeks to strengthen its role in the regional balance of power and reject any attempts aimed at displacing the Palestinian people or imposing unilateral solutions.

Diab believes that this critical stage must express an Arab consensus on rejecting any plan to displace Palestinians or impose an “alternative homeland” in any of the Arab countries, as this is considered a direct threat to the national security of each country individually, and to Arab national security in general.

Diab points out that the statements of US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on this issue constitute an existential threat to the region, given their repercussions on Arab national societies and the stability of existing political systems.

Diab points out that this development represents the beginning of the disintegration of the traditional strategic alliance between some Arab countries and the United States, as Arab countries have begun to realize the importance of adopting a more independent foreign policy, by diversifying their international alliances and opening up to other powers such as China, Russia, and Iran, in addition to strengthening cooperation with European countries to confront extremist American policies.

This shift is expected to lead to the emergence of new understandings between the Arab axis and two major axes in the region, namely Turkey and Iran, with the aim of confronting the common existential threats imposed by American and Israeli policies.

At the international level, Diab points out that Trump's policies were not limited to the Middle East, but extended to include crises with many countries in the world, as these policies seek to destabilize the global economy, security and military, and even undermine international institutions such as the United Nations, UNESCO and the International Criminal Court.

Diab explains that Trump and Netanyahu are working to form a new world order based on far-right rule, which seeks to impose a specific political and economic model on all countries.

Diab believes that the Arab position rejecting these plans intersects with the interests of many affected countries, which may open the door to new international alliances to confront these trends.

Diab stresses the importance of taking basic steps to confront the plan to displace the Palestinians, to take immediate action to block these plans before it is too late.

He points out that the priority should be to reunite the Palestinian ranks by forming an interim technocratic government that includes all Palestinian factions, including the Palestinian Authority, the PLO, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad.

Diab stresses the need to rebuild the Gaza Strip jointly, to ensure stability of the internal situation and prevent any attempts to impose external solutions.

It calls for the development of a broader Arab and perhaps Islamic political project that aims to support the Palestinian cause at the international level, by pressuring international institutions and international legitimacy to recognize the rights of the Palestinians and affirm the two-state solution.

Diab points to the need to work on building a broad international alliance that includes Arab countries, the Islamic world, the European Union, Latin America, in addition to countries affected by Trump's policies, such as Canada and Mexico.

Diab stresses that international institutions, such as the United Nations and human rights organizations, can play a crucial role in this alliance to stop the American-Israeli plans and restore balance to the international system.

Diab stresses that this moment represents a historic opportunity for the Arab world to rebuild its alliances and prove its role as a major player in international politics, rather than being content with the role of a recipient of decisions.

Diab stresses that these developments may lead to a radical change in the global balance of power, which calls for new Arab strategies to confront future challenges.

A summit different from its predecessors

Writer and political analyst Awni Al-Mashni believes that the Arab summit at the end of this month will be different from previous summits, explaining that the current threats facing Arab countries are not limited to the Palestinian people only, but rather clearly and explicitly include the national interests of Arab countries, especially Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

Al-Mashni explains that Israeli ambitions have become more apparent, as Israeli officials and the Israeli right talk about their ambitions in Jordanian, Syrian, Lebanese, Iraqi and Egyptian lands, which reflects their intentions not only in terms of ambitions, but in their serious pursuit of achieving them.

Al-Mashni stresses that the displacement of Palestinians, promoted by Israel, poses a direct threat to many Arab national interests, including Egyptian and Jordanian interests.

Al-Mashni says: “The upcoming Arab summit will be held in light of this great threat, and it will be at the level of this danger. The summit will also focus on protecting the national interests of these countries, and not just solidarity with the Palestinian people,” noting that the summit will present new positions related to these interests.

Al-Mashni points out that Saudi Arabia is facing a difficult situation after US President Donald Trump sought to pressure Saudi Arabia to finance plans to displace Palestinians.

Al-Mashni says: “Saudi Arabia is today in a position where it cannot accept continuing normalization in light of these American and Israeli policies.”

Al-Mashni believes that "the upcoming Arab summit will send a message that the Arab countries will not submit to American pressure, and that the Arab climate is now ready to accommodate these positions."

Al-Mashni explains that the Arab regimes, despite their historical relations with the United States, will not be able to remain subject to American pressure.

Al-Mashni says: “The language of the upcoming summit will be different from previous summits; it will be clearer and less ambiguous, and will reflect more practical positions, which will contribute to achieving the minimum demands of the Palestinian people.”

As for confronting Zionist ambitions in Arab lands, Al-Mashni stresses that what is required of the Arab countries is a unified and clear position.

Al-Mashni says: “Despite the weakness and fragmentation of the Arab situation, the Arab world possesses many capabilities that can stop these ambitions, such as oil, geographical location, international relations, and popular will.”

Al-Mashni confirms that the Palestinian people have stood firm for 15 months in the face of the Israeli occupation, and this reflects the ability of the Arab nation to confront if it unites and its positions are unified.

Al-Mashni stresses that what is required is a unified Arab position that does not allow the Israeli occupation to infiltrate the Arab region without achieving a just peace.

Al-Mashni says: “The Palestinians must be granted their basic rights, most importantly the establishment of their independent state with Jerusalem as its capital in the entire West Bank and Gaza Strip.”

Al-Mashni stressed that the upcoming Arab summit should be a lever for the Arab position in the face of Zionist ambitions, pointing out that the Arab countries and Arab peoples possess many capabilities to support the Palestinian cause and to stop Israeli expansion in the region.

If the Arabs do not reject Trump's plan, there will be no stability

Writer and political analyst Imad Moussa believes that the upcoming Arab summit carries within it an American agenda aimed at granting legitimacy to the new Syrian authority, a step that is in line with what he described as the “renewed authorities” that work in favor of American interests in the region.

Musa believes that there are American attempts to control Syrian gas and oil by controlling its marketing and prices, a step that seeks to exclude Russian gas and strangle the Chinese economy, in addition to forcing Iran to give up its nuclear program and its support for the “Axis of Resistance.”

Musa believes that the Arab Summit is working according to this American agenda, especially after the Syrian government recently took measures indicating that it is moving in this direction.

Musa points out that this is part of plans aimed at strengthening American hegemony in the region.

Moussa believes that the summit will also address US President Donald Trump's decision to displace the people of Gaza to Jordan and Egypt, which is a decisive decision aimed at controlling the gas and oil resources in the region, creating great tensions in both Jordan and Egypt.

Musa explains that the biggest challenge facing the official Arab regime and the Arab peoples is to stand united against this dangerous American decision regarding the displacement of the people of Gaza, which threatens Palestinian rights and means the displacement of part of the Palestinian people from their historical land.

Musa warns that the Arab division over this issue will lead to destabilization in the region, saying: “If there is no unified Arab rejection of Trump’s deportation decision, there will be no security or stability in the region.”

Moussa calls for the summit to be a turning point in Arab positions towards the major challenges facing the Palestinian cause, warning of the consequences of continued Arab laxity in confronting American projects that threaten regional security.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez confirmed that his country opposes US President Donald Trump's proposal to displace Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, and that it will not allow it to be implemented.

This came in a speech he gave on Saturday, during an event for his Socialist Workers Party, in the city of San Sebastian, northern Spain.

Sanchez called for "respect for international law in Gaza, as is the case around the world."

He stressed the need for Palestinians in Palestine and Israelis in Israel to live "in an atmosphere of peace, harmony and security."

He continued: "No real estate transaction will be able to cover up this evil, shame and crimes against humanity that Gaza has witnessed in recent years."

He stressed the need for the world not to allow the implementation of Trump's plan to displace the Palestinians of Gaza, adding: "Spain will not allow this."

Since January 25, Trump has been promoting a plan to displace the Palestinians of Gaza to neighboring countries such as Egypt and Jordan, which was rejected by both countries, and was joined by other Arab countries and regional and international organizations.

On February 4, 2025, Trump revealed, during a press conference with Netanyahu at the White House, his intention to seize Gaza and displace the Palestinians from it, which sparked widespread regional and international rejection.

Trump did not rule out the possibility of deploying US forces to support the reconstruction of Gaza, expecting the United States to have "long-term ownership" in the Palestinian sector.

Netanyahu welcomed Trump's plan, calling it "the first new idea in years."

On January 19, a ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement went into effect, which included three phases, each lasting 42 days, with negotiations taking place in the first phase to begin the second, with the mediation of Egypt and Qatar and the support of the United States.

With American support, between October 7, 2023 and January 19, 2025, Israel committed genocide in Gaza, leaving about 160,000 Palestinians dead and wounded, most of them children and women, and more than 14,000 missing.

The Rostropovich Vishnevskaya Foundation (RVF) has successfully installed and activated the first solar-powered desalination unit in North Gaza at the Al-Shati Refugee Camp, where thousands of returning children and their families suffer from a lack of safe drinking water caused by a heavily damaged infrastructure. This strategic installation is a first step in providing a reliable source of potable water free of charge to desperate families in North Gaza.  

In order to ensure an uninterrupted supply of water, RVF has installed a solar-powered system to operate the desalination unit. The system produces 1,000 liters of potable water per hour and will serve about 6,000 individuals.

The project is part of RVF’s broader commitment to help alleviate Gaza’s humanitarian crisis. Thanks to support from the UAE and working in partnership with the Kuwaiti Specialty Hospital in Khan Younis, RVF has provided safe drinking water to nearly 200,000 individuals in southern Gaza, equating to 10% of the total population.

The water desalination unit at the Al-Shati Refugee Camp serves as a model for a broader deployment in North Gaza. RVF plans to install multiple units across vulnerable community hubs, fostering long-term water security for returning residents.

Dr. Fakhr Abu Awwad, Head of RVF’s Gaza Office, underscored the organization’s unwavering commitment: "Navigating operational challenges in North Gaza demands adaptable, sustainable solutions. Our reliance on solar energy enables us to maintain water supply stability in such a volatile environment. Our intention is that this unit will be the first of many, each playing a crucial role in mitigating the region’s acute drinking water crisis."

The installation has already made tangible improvements to daily life within the camp.

Raja Al-Aswad, a displaced mother of four, shared: "Before, we had water only once every two or three days, forcing us into a constant search. With RVF’s unit now operating, we have clean water every day, it has transformed our lives."

Saeed Ahmed, a local resident, emphasized: "Families were struggling, often going days without a drop of water. This unit provides a reliable and stable water source, significantly improving living conditions for all of us."

Lebanese authorities announced on Saturday the arrest of 25 people after the attack on the convoy of the Deputy Commander of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) as it passed through the Rafik Hariri International Airport road in the capital Beirut.

This came according to statements made by Interior Minister Ahmed Al-Hajjar, following an emergency meeting of the Central Security Council in his office at the ministry in Beirut.

Al-Hajjar said: “We discussed what happened in the past two days, including road closures, attacks on public and private property, and a completely unacceptable attack on UNIFIL forces, which is a crime punishable by law.”

He explained that "so far, there are more than 25 detainees at the Lebanese Army Intelligence and the Information Branch of the Internal Security Forces, who are being investigated."

Al-Hajjar pointed out that the arrest "does not mean that the detainees committed the attack on UNIFIL, but rather the investigations will reveal who is responsible, who participated, and who committed other attacks."

He added: "We will follow up these investigations seriously."

In turn, the Lebanese army said in a statement: "Following the attack by protesters on a UNIFIL convoy and army personnel, causing injuries, the army carried out a series of security operations and security missions in the context of pursuing those involved in these attacks."

The statement added that "a number of those involved have been arrested, and they are being investigated under the supervision of the competent judiciary."

The army warned "citizens against committing acts of rioting and attacking public and private property," stressing that it "will not tolerate any breach of security or violation of civil peace."

For his part, the acting army commander, Major General Hassan Odeh, praised today the "fundamental role of UNIFIL in southern Lebanon."

In a statement via the "X" platform, Awda stressed the "army leadership's rejection of any attack on its members," and stressed the work to arrest the attackers and bring them to justice.

On Friday, the UNIFIL command announced in a statement that a convoy carrying its forces to Beirut airport “was subjected to a violent attack, where one of the vehicles was set on fire, resulting in the injury of the outgoing deputy commander of UNIFIL who was returning home after completing his mission,” without mentioning his name.

The attack on the UNIFIL convoy was carried out by angry citizens who were demonstrating on the road to Beirut airport, protesting the airport authorities’ refusal to grant permission for an Iranian passenger plane to land on Thursday.

The Lebanese Civil Aviation Directorate justified not granting permission to the Iranian plane by saying that it was “keen to ensure the safety and security of the airport, Lebanese airspace, and the safety of all passengers and aircraft,” without providing further explanations.

Clashes erupted with the Israeli occupation forces, today, Saturday, in the Deheishe refugee camp and the town of Al-Khader, south of Bethlehem.

According to local sources, the occupation forces stormed the Deheishe camp and took up positions on the main road (Jerusalem-Hebron), which led to the outbreak of clashes during which the soldiers fired sound bombs and toxic gas, without any injuries being reported.

In the town of Al-Khader, the occupation forces were stationed around the gate, and fired tear gas and sound bombs, without any injuries being reported.

US President Donald Trump said on Saturday that Hamas had just released three hostages from Gaza, including an American citizen, clarifying that this differed from its statement last week that it would not release any hostages.

Trump added: "Israel must now decide what it will do by 12 noon today, the deadline for the release of all hostages, and America will support its decision."

For his part, the Chief of Staff of the Israeli occupation army, General Herzi Halevi, announced on Saturday that the army is preparing "plans for the attack" while the process of releasing the hostages held in Gaza under the truce with the Hamas movement continues.

"In conjunction with the great enthusiasm that accompanies the return of each hostage, we in the (army) remind ourselves of our duty to bring them all back. We are making tremendous efforts for this, and at the same time we are preparing plans for the attack," Halevi said in a military statement, without giving further details.

Earlier today, Hamas released the Israeli hostages Yair Horn, Sagi Dekel Han, and Sasha Alexander Tropanov in Gaza, while the Israeli occupation entity began releasing about 369 Palestinian prisoners and detainees in return.

Later, Hazem Qassem, spokesman for the Hamas movement, confirmed that the movement hopes to begin talks on the second phase of the ceasefire agreement in the Gaza Strip within days.

He added that US President Donald Trump's statements about releasing prisoners "contradict" the agreement concluded under the auspices of mediators and the United States, stressing that the movement "has what to do to deal with Israel if it reneges on its obligations" under the agreement.

He added, "America must oblige Israel to abide by the agreement if it is concerned about the lives of the prisoners."

Trump called yesterday for a "tough stance" on Gaza, and on Monday he described Hamas's threat to delay the release of Israeli hostages as "horrific," threatening the Palestinian movement with "real hell" if "all (hostages) are not returned by Saturday afternoon."

In a meeting with reporters at the White House, Trump suggested that Israel “cancel” the ceasefire in place in the Gaza Strip since January 19 if Hamas did not release all the hostages by noon next Saturday. He said he would leave “that to Israel to decide” what should happen to the fragile truce between it and Hamas.

"But as far as I'm concerned, if all the hostages are not returned by 12 noon on Saturday - I think that's a reasonable deadline - then I call for it to be cancelled and for all hell to break loose," he added.

Terrorist settlers attacked the village of Jalud, south of Nablus, today, Saturday.

Anti-settlement activist Bashar Al-Qaryouti reported that settlers, under the protection of the occupation army, attacked citizens’ homes in Jalud, amid heavy gunfire, which led to the outbreak of clashes.

A child was injured by live bullet shrapnel, today, Saturday, during the Israeli occupation forces’ storming of the village of Tal, southwest of Nablus.

The Red Crescent Society in Nablus reported that a child (14 years old) was injured by live bullet shrapnel in the neck during the storming of the village of Tal, and he was provided with field treatment.

The occupation forces stormed the village of Tal, firing live ammunition and tear gas, which led to clashes.

The Israeli occupation authorities announced, today, Saturday, the sixth batch of detainees within the ceasefire agreement.

According to the Prisoners and Freed Prisoners Affairs Authority and the Prisoners Club, the sixth batch includes 36 detainees sentenced to life imprisonment, and 333 detainees from the Gaza Strip, who were arrested by the Israeli occupation forces during their aggression on the Strip after October 7, 2023.

According to the list of names, 29 of the released prisoners are from the West Bank, 7 from occupied Jerusalem and its suburbs, while 24 prisoners were deported outside the country.

The occupation forces turned the area near Ofer prison into a closed military zone, prevented the gathering of detainees' families, and fired live ammunition and tear gas canisters at them.

Hundreds of citizens and relatives of detainees gathered since the early morning hours in front of the Ramallah Cultural Palace and the Mahmoud Darwish Museum Square in the city of Ramallah, to welcome the prisoners who were released from Ofer Prison, raising the Palestinian flag.

Citizen Maryam Awis, the mother of the detainees Abdul Karim and Hassan Rateb Younis Awis from Jenin camp, expressed her mixed feelings about the release of her two sons, as the occupation released Hassan (47 years old) to the West Bank, while Abdul Karim (54 years old) was deported abroad.

She stated that the occupation forces arrested her son Abdul Karim on March 29, 2002, and sentenced him to life imprisonment 6 times, and arrested her son Hassan on April 8, 2002, and sentenced him to life imprisonment.

She told WAFA that she had been waiting impatiently for her sons to be released after 23 years of detention, during which the family had suffered, as one of her sons and one of her grandchildren were martyred, and the occupation had demolished the family home twice.

She added: "I wish they would be released and return to their home in Jenin camp, instead of one of them being deported abroad, as her son Hassan will not be allowed to travel to meet his brother Abdul Karim, while she will try to travel to meet him."

After his release, Hassan said it was a moment mixed with pain, as he wished that his brother Abdul Karim would be released to the West Bank and not deported.

The suffering of the two brothers, Awis, represented by the release of one of them and the deportation of the other, is similar to the suffering of the brothers Musa, Ibrahim, and Khalil Ahmed Salem Sarahneh from the town of Silwan in occupied Jerusalem, and residents of the Deheishe refugee camp in Bethlehem.

The occupation released Musa (63 years old), who had been detained since June 28, 2002 and sentenced to life imprisonment, and Ibrahim (55 years old), who had been detained since May 23, 2002 and sentenced to life imprisonment, to their home in the Deheishe camp, while their brother Khalil (45 years old), who had been detained since July 10, 2002, was deported.

After his release, Musa said that he was arrested when he was 41 years old and was released when he was 63 years old, noting that his feeling of freedom was indescribable despite the bitterness of the years he spent in the occupation’s prisons.

He pointed out that he and his brother Ibrahim were released, but he still does not know the fate of his brother Khalil.

Hamas handed over three Israelis, one of whom is an American, to the International Committee of the Red Cross today, Saturday, in the city of Khan Yunis, south of the Gaza Strip.

The Israeli army confirmed that the Red Cross received 3 detainees and they are on their way to an army and Shin Bet force inside the Gaza Strip.

Today, the movement and the Israeli occupation entity are carrying out the sixth exchange of Israeli hostages for Palestinian prisoners under the ceasefire agreement in Gaza, which was on the verge of collapse this week, according to the French Press Agency.

Pictures published by Reuters showed Hamas members deployed in Khan Yunis in the Gaza Strip in preparation for the hostage release operation today.

The movement released three Israelis, all of whom hold dual citizenship, who had been held in the Gaza Strip for 16 months, in exchange for the expected release of 369 Palestinian detainees, at a time when US Secretary of State Marco Rubio is arriving in Israel this evening for talks scheduled for Sunday.

The three hostages released on Saturday are Israeli-Russian Sasha Tropanov, 29, Israeli-American Sagi Dekel Chen, 36, and Israeli-Argentine Yair Horn, 46.

On Friday evening, the armed wing of the Islamic Jihad movement published a video showing Tropanov on the Gaza beach holding a fishing rod.

Dr. Mahmoud Al-Habbash: The Saudi position rejecting normalization with Israel without establishing a Palestinian state is a cornerstone in strengthening the Palestinian position

Dr. Ahmed Jamil Azm: The Saudi position will have an important impact, especially if it crystallizes within an Arab position, and the upcoming Arab summit will be a pivotal station.

Hani Al-Masry: Saudi Arabia is a pivotal regional power with economic, political and religious weight, which makes its positions have great international influence.

Dr. Omar Awadallah: Saudi Arabia has proven once again that it is a regional power that leads Arab and Islamic positions and establishes the principle of defending Palestine as a central issue

Palestinian leaders, political analysts, and academics have stressed that reorganizing the Palestinian house is the key factor in bringing about a real shift in the map of the conflict, and not just the Saudi or Arab position. Restoring the role of the Palestine Liberation Organization, unifying the Palestinian ranks within a collective leadership, and adopting a clear national strategy to confront the occupation are the key to any strategic change, as the absence of Palestinian action will lead to the consolidation of the Israeli fait accompli.

At the same time, Saudi Arabia stands out as an effective regional power with great influence in supporting the Palestinian cause politically and diplomatically, as its firm position in rejecting normalization without establishing a Palestinian state, and rejecting displacement plans, strengthens the Arab and international position, making it a major player in confronting Israeli plans. However, the success of any Arab or international effort depends on effective internal Palestinian action, to ensure that Saudi and Arab support is invested in achieving tangible results on the ground.

Strategic support for the Palestinian cause

Dr. Mahmoud Al-Habbash, advisor to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, said in an exclusive interview with Al-Quds that the Saudi position rejecting normalization with Israel without establishing an independent Palestinian state represents a cornerstone in strengthening the Arab position and strengthening the Palestinian position in the face of attempts to liquidate the Palestinian cause. He explained that Saudi Arabia is not a marginal state, but rather a "pivotal state in the Arab, Islamic, regional and international system," which makes its position have a profound impact on determining the course of the Palestinian cause at the Arab and international levels.

Al-Habash added that the steadfastness and clarity of the Saudi position constitutes a source of strength for the Palestinians, especially under the leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, as he stressed that the Kingdom "rejects any form of relationship with Israel unless it is through a just political solution in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions, which guarantees the end of the occupation and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, a connected and viable state, free of occupation and settlement."

Confronting displacement attempts and strengthening Palestinian steadfastness

Regarding the extremist Israeli calls aimed at displacing the Palestinians, Al-Habash stressed the importance of taking practical steps on the Palestinian level to confront these challenges, noting that the first of these steps is “the return of the Palestinian National Authority to the Gaza Strip, which sends a clear message that the Palestinian land is one, under one political leadership, within one state and a unified political region.”

He explained that "strengthening the steadfastness of the citizens in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank is the key to confronting any attempts to displace the Palestinians from their land," stressing that this steadfastness must be supported by the basic necessities of life, such as food, drink and shelter, to ensure that the Palestinians feel that they can remain in their land with clear Arab support.

He pointed out that the unified Arab position is one of the most important factors in thwarting the displacement plan, as he stressed that "the positions expressed by His Majesty King Abdullah II, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and the official Saudi position all came with a categorical rejection of any attempt to deport the Palestinians or liquidate their cause," stressing that this Arab cohesion, which is in complete harmony with the Palestinian steadfastness, constitutes a strong wall in the face of these plans, and he added, "We are certain that we can thwart this plan, and we will thwart it as we thwarted other attempts to liquidate the Palestinian cause."

Investing Saudi support in international movement

Regarding the investment of the Saudi position at the international level, Al-Habash stressed that “the international position is essentially based on the Arab position, which makes the unified Arab position a driving force in international forums to support the rights of the Palestinians.” He explained that Palestinian movements in international organizations depend on Arab support, saying: “We are moving in a purely Palestinian manner, but we are also moving within the framework of a collective Palestinian-Arab movement, because the firm Arab position is a pillar of the international position, and we certainly benefit from it in mobilizing international support for our cause and our vision based on international legitimacy.”

At the end of his speech, Al-Habash stressed that "the Saudi position represents a strategic opportunity that must be built upon by Palestinians and Arabs to confront current challenges," stressing that Palestinian unity and Arab cohesion are the only way to thwart attempts to impose coercive solutions that ignore legitimate Palestinian rights.

Putting the Palestinian House in Order is the Key to Real Transformation in the Conflict

For his part, Professor of Political Science Dr. Ahmed Jamil Azm said that the real shift in the map of the conflict will not result from a Saudi or Arab position as much as it is dependent on the internal Palestinian action and the reorganization of the Palestinian house.

Azm stressed that "the basic variable that may redraw the equation of the conflict is the rearrangement of the Palestinian house, the restoration of the Palestine Liberation Organization to its basic role, and the return of the Palestinian national movement to its natural role."

He stressed that "the absence of collective leadership and the freezing of the Palestinian people's energies will not lead to any change, but will keep the Palestinians between two states: either stagnation and wasting opportunities, or surrendering to a deteriorating Israeli reality."

He added: "The Israeli reality does not wait for anyone. If the Palestinians do not resist, and there is no organized national action, the Israeli side will not stop imposing new facts on the ground," stressing that "sufficing with the role of maintaining security and adapting to Israeli policies without a clear national plan to confront the occupation will be destructive."

The Saudi position: its roots and dimensions after October 7

Regarding the reasons for the Saudi position rejecting normalization without a just solution to the Palestinian issue, Azm pointed out that this position is not new, but rather dates back to before the events of October 7, when there were efforts to reach a set of regional understandings that were not essentially Saudi-Israeli, but rather revolved around a joint defense agreement between Saudi Arabia and the United States.

Azm explained, “Before October 7, there was no talk of a Saudi-Israeli normalization agreement, but rather of reorganizing US-Saudi relations. There was talk of signing charters and agreements between the two countries, and passing them in Congress required the approval of the Israeli lobby. Therefore, normalization was not a goal in itself, but rather a means to facilitate this process. However, the Saudi side was stipulating a solution that would satisfy the Palestinians before proceeding with any understandings.”

“But the events of October 7 halted these efforts and rearranged priorities, and Trump’s arrival brought about another shift in the scene. While Biden was seeking to present a new vision to rearrange Saudi-American relations, through initiatives such as the “Green Corridor” that was supposed to link India to Europe via the Gulf and Israel, Trump “does not have a comprehensive strategic vision for the region, but rather prefers to deal with each country individually.”

Saudi position and its potential impact in confronting Trump's plan

Regarding the impact of the Saudi position in confronting the American and Israeli trends, Azm believes that “the Saudi position will have an important impact, especially if it crystallizes within a unified Arab position that includes Egypt, Jordan, Qatar and the Emirates,” noting that the upcoming Arab summit on the 27th of this month will be a pivotal station, adding that “if the Arab summit comes out with a unified position that categorically rejects Trump’s plan, this will be a major step towards stopping the deterioration in the Palestinian issue.”

He also pointed out that Saudi Arabia played an important role, alongside Jordan and other countries, in pushing some European countries, such as Spain and Norway, to recognize the Palestinian state, which reflects the role it can play at the diplomatic level and international relations in pressuring in favor of Palestinian rights.

But despite the importance of this role, Azm stresses that “the basic dilemma still lies in the situation on the ground within the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and the rest of Palestine. Without serious internal Palestinian action, any Arab or international position will remain insufficient to achieve real change.”

He added: "The Saudi and Arab position can help stop the deterioration, but the radical solution begins from within Palestine. What is required today is to put the Palestinian house in order, unify the ranks, and adopt a clear national strategy to confront the occupation. Without that, the Palestinians will remain in a position of reaction instead of being an active party in shaping their political future."

The top priority is to put the Palestinian house in order.

At the end of his interview with Al-Quds, Azm stressed that any changes on the regional and international scene, no matter how influential, will not be sufficient without a genuine Palestinian initiative to reorganize the internal house, reunify the Palestinian leadership within the PLO, and activate the role of the factions within a comprehensive national framework.

Azm believes that “real change will not come from outside, but from within Palestine. If the Palestinians do not unite and adopt a comprehensive national vision, the Israeli occupation will continue to impose its facts, and Arab and international efforts will remain within the framework of limiting damage, not bringing about strategic change in favor of the Palestinians.”

The Saudi position changes the balance of the conflict and gives the Arabs a strategic opportunity

The Director General of the Palestinian Center for Policy Research and Strategic Studies (Masarat), Hani Al-Masri, spoke to Al-Quds about the Saudi position rejecting normalization with Israel without establishing an independent Palestinian state, and its opposition to displacement and annexation plans, noting that this position constitutes a “decisive turning point in regional and international equations.”

Al-Masry explained that "Riyadh has become more capable of political maneuvering and less dependent on the United States, which has given it a wider space to make decisions that reflect its independence and regional position."

Al-Masry stressed that international and regional transformations played a fundamental role in Saudi Arabia taking this firm stance, explaining that “Saudi Arabia is not just an ordinary country, but a pivotal regional power that enjoys economic, political and religious weight, which makes its positions have a great impact on the international level.

He added: “What is being proposed by the US and Israel today affects Saudi Arabia’s sovereignty and independence, which is beyond the realm of possibility. The international environment has changed, and the US is no longer the absolute dominant party in the international system. It is true that it is still the world’s number one country, but the distance between it and China is rapidly shrinking, especially in some areas where Beijing has outperformed Washington. This change has given Saudi Arabia, and Arab countries in general, more room to maneuver and take more independent positions.”

Al-Masry pointed out that Saudi Arabia “is no longer in the same political position it was in during Trump’s first term,” explaining that Prince Mohammed bin Salman, at that time, was seeking “to establish his political legitimacy amidst great pressures, most notably the assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, which made him more open to cooperating with Washington at the time. Today, the situation is completely different, as Riyadh has strengthened its relations with China with investments exceeding $120 billion, consolidated its cooperation with Russia, and improved its relations with Iran after the agreement that was sponsored by China in Beijing, which reduced its need for American and Israeli support.”

Saudi Arabia refuses to undermine its role and prestige

Al-Masry stressed that recent regional events, "such as the Israeli war on Gaza and Lebanon, and the subsequent calls to displace Palestinians and annex the West Bank, posed a direct threat to Saudi Arabia's role and regional prestige." He explained that what happened in Gaza and what could happen after it in terms of displacing Palestinians or annexing the West Bank is a direct attack on Saudi Arabia's role, which it cannot accept. In addition, the improvement of relations with Iran and the decline of American influence are all factors that have contributed to reducing Saudi Arabia's need for American and Israeli protection, allowing it to take a more balanced and independent position.

The Saudi position and its impact on international alliances

Regarding the impact of this position on the global balance of power, Al-Masry believes that “Saudi Arabia’s rejection of displacement and annexation plans, and its enormous economic influence, may push the US administration to reconsider its policies,” noting that Trump, who is considered “a man of deals and not an ideologue,” may back down if he feels that his decisions will affect his deals.

“If Saudi Arabia decides to use its power cards, such as its massive investments ranging from $600 billion to $1 trillion, as a means of pressure against attempts to displace Palestinians or annex the West Bank, this will put the US administration in a real predicament,” he added, stressing that these are “not just theoretical bets, but a political reality based on clear economic calculations.”

But Al-Masry stressed that the success of this pressure "depends on the ability of Arab countries to invest in the Saudi position and not just denounce and condemn as happened in the past," explaining that "if Arab countries adopt effective policies based on economic and political interests, and not just statements of rejection, they may be able to pressure the US administration to change its position on the Palestinian issue. But if it continues with the same traditional approach, Trump will go his way without hesitation."

A real test of Arab unity

Regarding the upcoming Arab summit at the end of this month, Al-Masry pointed out that it “represents a real test of the Arab position, as it could be a turning point towards ‘opening a new page in the Arab role, or remaining within the framework of decisions that remain mere ink on paper’,” stressing that there is “a real opportunity to adopt a unified and influential Arab position, provided that the summit is preceded by internal Palestinian consensus.”

He pointed out that "the summit can unite the Palestinians, but the Palestinians themselves must take a step towards unity before it is held to ensure positive results. The upcoming Arab summit can unite them if it wants, and Saudi Arabia and the Arab countries can even impose Palestinian unity as a strategic necessity. Hamas is fully aware that the absence of Palestinian and Arab legitimacy makes its situation more complicated."

A historic opportunity that must be invested

In conclusion, Al-Masry stressed that “the Saudi position represents a decisive turning point in the map of conflict in the Middle East, and provides Arab countries with an opportunity to enhance their role in protecting the rights of Palestinians,” stressing that “what we are witnessing today is a critical moment. Either the Arab countries will invest in this position and redraw the equation of the conflict, or miss the opportunity as happened in previous stages. The options are still open, but what is certain is that the regional and international scene is no longer as it was, and that the Saudi position has become a factor that cannot be ignored in any future political equation.”

Saudi Arabia is a leading diplomatic force in rejecting displacement and normalization

In turn, Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates for United Nations Affairs and Specialized Organizations, Dr. Omar Awadallah, said in an interview with Al-Quds that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia plays a pivotal role in defending the Palestinian cause, whether at the Arab, Islamic or international levels, pointing out that its position rejecting normalization without establishing an independent Palestinian state, and its categorical opposition to forced displacement plans, strengthens the Palestinian, Arab and international position in confronting Israeli policies.

Awadallah explained that Saudi Arabia is not only a sister country to Palestine, but it is also the head of the Arab and Islamic summit, an active member of the Arab League and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, in addition to its major role as a major player in the Gulf region and the international scene.

He added: Her role in defending the Palestinian cause extends to various international forums, as she chaired the ministerial committee that toured the world's capitals to mobilize support for the Palestinian cause, especially in light of the ongoing war of extermination against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip for more than 15 months.

He pointed out that the Saudi position "contributed to empowering the Arab position, which strengthened international positions rejecting displacement and liquidation, stressing that the political path and stability in the Middle East region are closely linked to the existence of an internationally recognized Palestinian state."

Rejecting forced displacement and strengthening Palestinian unity

Regarding the Palestinian measures to confront displacement, Awadallah stressed that “the strong link between the Palestinian position and the Arab and Islamic positions strengthens the solidity of the Palestinian rejection since the beginning of the Israeli aggression, as the Palestinian leadership was clear from the first day that the Israeli intentions aim to exterminate the Palestinian people and impose forced displacement.”

He added: "The upcoming Arab summit on the 27th of this month represents an important opportunity to take a clear and direct Arab position, not only to reject displacement plans, but also to develop real alternatives based on the rights of the Palestinian people, and based on international law, and Arab and Islamic constants."

Awadallah explained that this movement will extend from the Arab Summit to the emergency ministerial meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and then to the United Nations, whether in the General Assembly or the Security Council, coinciding with the Human Rights Council session that will begin on the 24th of this month, noting that these efforts will work to strengthen the international position rejecting displacement and ethnic cleansing, and intensify accountability and holding Israel accountable for its crimes, based on international laws and the International Criminal Court.

crucial diplomatic and political support

Regarding the exploitation of the Saudi position in international pressure against attempts at normalization and displacement, Awadallah stressed that Saudi Arabia had said its word clearly, and it is the same word that expresses the position of the Arab and Islamic nation that the forced displacement of Palestinians constitutes a direct threat to Arab national security, and it is something that is rejected in its entirety.

He said: "This firm Saudi position strengthens the international position, and makes any Israeli move towards implementing displacement plans a real threat to international legitimacy, which pushes towards holding Israel accountable if it commits these crimes."

The Assistant Foreign Minister stressed that Saudi Arabia has once again proven that it is a regional power leading Arab and Islamic positions, and establishing the principle of defending Palestine as a central issue. He pointed out that "the Saudi position was swift and decisive. As soon as the press conference in which Israel announced its plans ended, the official Saudi statement was publicly available on all media platforms, reflecting the Kingdom's commitment to its historical role."

He added: Saudi Arabia is not only a partner in supporting the Palestinian cause, but it is also the leader of the global coalition to implement the two-state solution, and it is preparing to chair the international conference that will be held next June in cooperation with France, with the aim of pushing efforts towards a just political settlement based on implementing the United Nations resolutions and achieving the two-state solution.

He continued: “When Saudi Arabia speaks, it speaks as a global power that influences international decision-making. Therefore, its clear and decisive position in supporting Palestine and rejecting displacement and normalization without establishing a Palestinian state, strengthens Palestinian diplomatic efforts and places Israel before a historical responsibility that cannot be ignored.”

A firm Saudi position reflects a real commitment to the Palestinian cause

At the end of his speech, Awadallah stressed that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia proves day after day that it is a fundamental partner in defending Palestinian rights, and that it is leading diplomatic efforts to find a just and comprehensive solution to the Palestinian issue.

He said: “Saudi Arabia is not just a political supporter, but rather a diplomatic force leading real efforts at the Arab and international levels, and taking upon itself the responsibility of defending Palestine, not only in words, but in action and rapid action. This is what makes its position not merely a political position, but rather part of an Arab and international defense system that protects the rights of the Palestinians and confronts the threats targeting their existence.”

Humanitarian workers risked their lives and about 380 of them were killed.

There must be full accountability for atrocities committed under international humanitarian law.

The West Bank is witnessing operations involving lethal war-like tactics that go beyond law enforcement standards.

UNRWA is the backbone of humanitarian work in Gaza and no other agency has the capacity to take its place.

We need more than $4 billion to help 3 million people in Gaza and the West Bank, of which we have received less than 4 percent.

The UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Tom Fletcher, described the situation in the Gaza Strip as “catastrophic,” with most of the population displaced to areas lacking basic needs.

Fletcher, who visited the West Bank and Gaza Strip and saw the extent of the destruction and suffering, told Al-Quds: “Humanitarian workers are risking their lives, as about 380 people have been killed while performing their duty.”

Fletcher stressed the need for the parties to the conflict to abide by international humanitarian law, expressing his concern about the continued escalation in the West Bank, particularly evictions and demolitions. He stressed that the population is in dire need of protection.

He also stressed the pivotal role of UNRWA in providing basic services to Palestinian refugees, warning of the repercussions of any attempts to undermine its work.

He called on the international community to increase financial support for the humanitarian response, as only a small portion of the funding required for 2025 has been secured.

In this interview with Al-Quds, Fletcher presents his vision on how to support humanitarian efforts in Palestine, stressing that the solution does not lie only in meeting immediate humanitarian needs, but in finding long-term solutions that enhance stability and peace in the region.

The following is the text of the interview:

* How would you describe the humanitarian situation in Gaza after you have completed your visit to the region, especially in light of the ongoing siege and looming famine?

- The situation in Gaza is catastrophic. Almost the entire population has been displaced, often multiple times, to areas that lack the basic necessities for survival. While in Gaza, I visited two hospitals where I met with patients, staff and management. One of them, Al Awda Hospital, is the only hospital currently operating in the North Gaza Governorate.

The extensive destruction of Gaza’s infrastructure, roads and services is visible everywhere. The scale of the destruction and suffering exceeds my worst fears. As I navigated the rubble in northern Gaza, it was impossible to recognize what used to be a home, a hospital or a school.

Survivors and returnees are trying to rebuild their lives. I am inspired by their determination as I hear their stories. The United Nations is seizing every opportunity presented by the ceasefire to deliver as much life-saving assistance as possible to more than two million people in Gaza.

Gaza is the 'most dangerous' place for humanitarian workers

* You mentioned in your previous statements that Gaza has become the “most dangerous” place for humanitarian workers. What are the biggest challenges facing humanitarian efforts there?

- The UN’s humanitarian priority is to alleviate the immense suffering caused by the conflict. This includes coordinating the entry of daily supplies into Gaza, such as water, food, medical supplies, blankets, clothing and fuel needed to run essential services amidst power cuts. Humanitarian partners have scaled up their operations to repair critical infrastructure such as roads and water facilities, and to restore bakeries. These scale-ups were planned before the ceasefire, meaning we were ready to ramp up our services minutes after the ceasefire went into effect.

Throughout the hostilities, humanitarian workers have risked their lives to reach people in need. Some 380 of them have been killed in Gaza, including in the line of duty. The ceasefire has made it safer to deliver essential supplies. We and our partners are expanding our life-saving humanitarian operations as more humanitarian supplies reach Gaza.

* How do you assess the extent to which the parties to the conflict are adhering to international humanitarian law with regard to the protection of civilians and vital infrastructure?

_ During any war, parties must abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law, and Gaza is no exception. Throughout this conflict, civilians have suffered immensely as shelters have been bombed, hospitals attacked, and vital infrastructure destroyed. Member States, particularly those on the Security Council, must use their collective voice and influence to ensure that the ceasefire is upheld, civilians are protected, and international law is respected. There must be full accountability for atrocities committed, in accordance with international humanitarian law.

Escalation of violence by the occupation and its settlers in the West Bank

* The West Bank is currently witnessing an escalation in violence, including demolitions, settlements, and settler attacks. How does this affect humanitarian operations there?

_ The escalation in the West Bank continues to increase humanitarian needs. During my visit, I met some of the many families facing eviction, and Palestinians whose homes were demolished, along with their lifelong memories. The population is in dire need of protection. We continue to witness operations in the West Bank involving lethal war-like tactics that go beyond law enforcement standards.

Palestinians across the West Bank face significant challenges in accessing healthcare, receiving essential services, and earning a living due to the hundreds of barriers in place in the area. These barriers exacerbate the humanitarian situation, underscoring the urgent need for humanitarian workers to be able to provide critical support. However, policies that restrict movement and access hamper our efforts. When the people we aim to help are placed under curfew, we are unable to reach them, denying us the unfettered access we need to deliver assistance. At the same time, some of the vital supplies we provide, such as shelter for people displaced by home demolitions, can be confiscated.

UNRWA is the backbone of humanitarian work in Gaza

* Regarding UNRWA, how can the continued provision of basic services to Palestinian refugees be ensured in light of efforts to limit its role?

- UNRWA is the backbone of humanitarian action in Gaza. No other UN agency has the capacity to replace UNRWA’s essential services. UNRWA runs schools, health facilities, warehouses and offices, and employs more staff than any other organization. The Agency operates under a mandate from the UN General Assembly. Despite all the uncertain circumstances, UNRWA continues to carry out its vital work. In Gaza, the Agency distributes life-saving assistance to a population that needs it more than ever. In the West Bank, UNRWA runs schools, provides health services, collects solid waste and other vital assistance.

* How can the international community support humanitarian efforts in Palestine in a more effective and sustainable way?

- The humanitarian response requires a collective effort that is not limited to the humanitarian community alone. Aid stocks must be replenished regularly, including by Member States. The private sector also plays a crucial role in response and recovery efforts. Sufficient commercial supplies must be allowed into Gaza.

With the support and generosity of the international community, the United Nations and its partners will be able to continue their life-saving humanitarian and development work. With the right conditions and resources, we can continue to deliver assistance to those who need it. It is urgent that the world increase its funding for the humanitarian response in the occupied Palestinian territory. This year, we need more than US$4 billion to assist 3 million Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, but less than 4 per cent of this funding has been received so far.

* Do you have any recommendations for the international community on how to address the worsening humanitarian crisis?

The humanitarian community will continue to provide urgent, life-saving support to the people of Gaza and the West Bank, providing water, food, health care, shelter and basic services to those most in need.

But we must also focus on long-term solutions to address this crisis. Our goal is not just to meet immediate humanitarian needs, but to reduce these needs over time.

That is why the United Nations is steadfast in its commitment to support all efforts that promote peace and stability for the peoples of Palestine and Israel, and throughout the region.

For days now, the "title phrase" has become a "trend" of this time, and it is making its way on every tongue, in a loud challenge to the eccentric man, who belongs to the ancient ages, when people were ruled by thuggery, and the "cowboy" storming of remote villages and towns, to bargain with their residents over their property and the hardship of their lives, and imposing protection money on them, under threat of death.

"Without displacement" is the weapon of the steadfast free people, and the steadfastness of the original owners of the land, who are not harmed by those who oppose them, nor by the hardships that befall them. They are that group of the patient, who remain apparent on the truth, and are victorious over their enemy.

"Without displacement" is repeated daily by senior officials, Arabs and non-Arabs, Easterners and Westerners, who speak sarcastically about Trump's threat to the Gazans of displacement and hell, as stated in "CNN", which the man of surprises is hostile to, just as he is hostile to the American "Associated Press", because the editor-in-chief refused to go along with him in calling the "Gulf of America" the "Gulf of Mexico".

“Without displacement” is a voice that resounds in the four corners of the earth, and its echoes are heard on the Egyptian side of the Rafah crossing, where hundreds of trucks loaded with caravans, bulldozers and huge cranes line up to retrieve bodies from under the rubble, when they enter the Strip within hours, sweeping away on their way from Rafah to Beit Hanoun Trump’s hallucinations, the tendencies of arrogance and dreams of expansion that possess the Talmudic trio “Netanyahu, Smotrich and Ben Gvir.”

The builders of the pyramids can rebuild the sector “without displacement” within a few years. Anyone who has seen the size, precision, magnificence, and speed of the work being done in the new administrative capital in the desert knows that Egypt is capable of completing the task in record time.

This morning, the resistance in Khan Yunis is preparing to hand over 3 Israeli prisoners as part of the sixth batch of the first phase of the Gaza agreement.

Al-Arabiya TV reported, citing sources, that the resistance in Gaza will send a shield with an hourglass on it to the mother of one of the detainees as a message that time is running out.

Prisoner Yair Horn will deliver a speech in Hebrew on behalf of those detained with him and messages to their families during today's prisoner exchange in Gaza, according to what the Al Arabiya correspondent reported from sources.

US President Donald Trump called on Friday for a "tough stance" against the Gaza Strip, as noon on Saturday is set for the exchange of Palestinian prisoners for Israeli detainees under a ceasefire agreement that began on January 19 with Egyptian, Qatari and American mediation.

Hamas announced last week that it had suspended the prisoner exchange because of Israel's violation of the terms of the ceasefire agreement by not fulfilling its obligations to bring in mobile homes and humanitarian aid, and threatened not to release more detainees, which sparked American and Israeli threats to resume the war by Israel, which called up reserve forces and put its forces on high alert.

Trump declared this week that Hamas must release all Israeli hostages in Gaza by noon Saturday or "let all hell break loose."

"I don't know what's going to happen tomorrow (Saturday) at 12 noon; if it were up to me, I would take a very tough position but I can't tell you what Israel is going to do," Trump told reporters on Friday, in what experts interpreted as an invitation for Israel to continue the war.

Hamas announced that it would implement its part of the deal, after Israel brought in aid that had been held at the crossings, and announced the names of the Israeli detainees who will be released according to the agreement, namely Yair Horn, Sagi Dekel Han and Sasha Alexander Trubnov from Gaza on Saturday after Egyptian and Qatari mediators helped avert a crisis that threatened to collapse the fragile ceasefire that has halted the fighting for 26 days so far.

The movement said the three would be released in exchange for 369 Palestinian prisoners, reducing fears that the deal could collapse before the end of the first phase of a 42-day ceasefire.

Trump has announced more than once that he wants to control the Gaza Strip and remove Palestinian citizens from it, where they will be resettled (according to Trump’s plan) in Egypt and Jordan, so that he can rebuild it and make it the Riviera of the Middle East, according to him, which has caused American and international condemnations, as uprooting a people from their land and forcing them to leave is considered ethnic cleansing and a war crime condemned internationally.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on Thursday that President Donald Trump’s plan to displace Gaza residents “is the only proposal currently under consideration.” However, he expressed openness to a “better plan” from Arab states after they meet in Saudi Arabia in the coming days.

“If anybody has a better plan, and we certainly hope they have a better plan, if the Arab countries have a better plan, that’s great,” Rubio said during an interview on the “Clay Travis Show” podcast, noting that Washington would carefully study the details of any such proposal.

Rubio warned that "any plan that allows Hamas to remain in the Gaza Strip will be problematic because Israel will not tolerate it, which effectively takes the situation back to square one."

He stressed that Washington "will provide an opportunity" for Arab countries "to develop a plan," noting that its efforts are being made "in good faith." He stressed the need to resolve the issue of "Hamas" and its weapons, stressing that "American soldiers will not deal with this matter," which would ultimately "force Israel to act."

Rubio said that an Arab summit would be hosted in two weeks, after which "they will present us with a plan." He stressed that Washington "will give them time" to formulate this proposal.

“This is a major reason for my upcoming trip to the Middle East,” Rubio said. “I will be visiting Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Israel. I also met with my counterparts from Egypt and Jordan this week. We are eager to hear from our Arab partners and hope that they can develop and present a truly effective plan to President Trump.”

Rubio acknowledged that “the Trump plan is the only one being discussed right now, even though it doesn’t have a lot of support,” concluding, “so if there is a better plan, now is the time to present it, and we are eager to review it.”

Rubio’s remarks come after a meeting between Trump and Jordan’s King Abdullah II at the White House on Tuesday, where Trump reiterated his desire to take control of the Gaza Strip and transfer its population to Egypt and Jordan, despite strong opposition from both countries and the Palestinians themselves. King Abdullah suggested further discussion was needed and suggested waiting for Egypt to come up with alternative ideas. He announced that an “Arab plan” would be unveiled soon, noting that “we should consider that there is a plan from Egypt.”

For its part, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry stated that Egypt intends to present a "comprehensive vision" for the reconstruction of Gaza without displacement, stressing that "any proposed solution to the Palestinian issue must avoid jeopardizing the peace achievements in the region."

Amid the ongoing discussions, a planned visit by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to Washington, D.C., scheduled for February 18, has been postponed indefinitely, official sources said.

Egyptian sources indicate that the postponement stems from Cairo's opposition to the American proposal, adopted by President Donald Trump, to transfer Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to Egypt and Jordan.

"Jordan's firm position is against the displacement of Palestinians," King Abdullah said. Jordan, a key US ally in the Middle East, is home to millions of Palestinians and has rejected the proposal.

In a further affirmation of Egypt’s commitment to the region and a solution that avoids displacement, the Egyptian Engineers Syndicate launched an initiative to contribute to the reconstruction of Gaza. The Syndicate’s “Gaza Reconstruction” Committee, headed by former Minister of Local Development Ahmed Zaki Abdeen, held its inaugural meeting to develop effective and scientific reconstruction plans.

Tarek El-Nabrawy, head of the Egyptian Engineers Syndicate, stressed Egypt's firm rejection of any attempts to displace Palestinians, considering such measures a threat to Egyptian and regional national security. He stressed the Egyptian state's vision for rebuilding Gaza and ensuring the survival of the Palestinian people on their land, in accordance with their rights.

The Civil Defense Authority in the Gaza Strip said on Friday that its crews continue to recover the bodies of the people killed by Israel during the war over the course of more than 15 months, using manual equipment and without personal protection.

The spokesman for the agency, Raed Al-Dahshan, added that the lack of equipment necessary to retrieve the bodies of the residents from under the rubble of destroyed homes is hindering the retrieval operations.

He stated that the civil defense crews are trying to penetrate the concrete roofs piled on top of each other to reach the bodies of the residents buried underneath them with "hand hammers," according to what was reported by the "Anatolia" news agency.

Since the ceasefire went into effect on January 19, civil defense and ambulance crews and families have recovered hundreds of bodies of dead who were killed during the Israeli war, some of which were in the streets and others under the rubble of homes, but at close distances from the roofs.

The lack of equipment and machinery needed to lift tons of rubble and retrieve bodies drains much of the Civil Defense’s efforts, as it is often unable to reach them.

He continued, "On Thursday, we had a bitter experience in this regard, as we went to retrieve the bodies of martyrs from under the rubble of a bombed house. We tried repeatedly to reach them with manual equipment, but we did not succeed."

He said that the crews are recovering the decomposed bodies of the residents, without clothes or personal protective equipment to protect them from diseases or direct injuries.

He called for the necessity of bringing in heavy equipment, machinery and personal protection means, which would help in the quicker recovery of the bodies of the martyrs from under the rubble of destroyed homes, to bury them and honor them.

Al-Qassam Brigades spokesman Abu Obeida announced today, Friday, the names of three Israeli prisoners, indicating Hamas' commitment to maintaining the ceasefire agreement.

According to Abu Obeida's statement, the three Israeli prisoners are: Sasha Alexander Trubnov, Sagi Dekel Han, and Yair Horn.

In turn, the office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu confirmed that Israel had received a list of the names of three prisoners held in Gaza, noting that it was "acceptable to Israel."

In the same context, the Prisoners' Media Office reported that after the Palestinian resistance handed over the names of the Zionist prisoners, 36 prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment, and 333 prisoners from the Gaza Strip who were arrested after October 7, will be released tomorrow, Saturday.

This indicates that a new exchange of Israeli hostages held in the Gaza Strip and prisoners in occupation prisons will take place on Saturday, as was scheduled in the agreement.

This came as Egyptian reports indicated that Egypt and Qatar succeeded in "overcoming the obstacles that were facing the completion of the implementation of the ceasefire and the commitment of both parties to complete the implementation of the truce" that stopped a devastating war between Israel and Hamas that lasted for about 15 months in the Gaza Strip.

These announcements come after the agreement was threatened on Tuesday, after US President Donald Trump threatened the Palestinian movement with "opening the gates of hell" unless it released "all Israeli hostages" in the Gaza Strip by Saturday.

Two fishermen were injured after being targeted by the Israeli occupation army, today, Friday, in the Gaza Strip.

According to local sources, Israeli occupation boats targeted a boat off the Gaza port with two shells, wounding two fishermen.