In the "temptations" of Israeli settlement

It must be said that the policy applied by the current Israeli government with regard to settlement in the 1967 lands aims to achieve three purposes: deepening and expanding settlement by imposing facts on the ground, increasing the plundering of Palestinian lands, and expanding the circle of Jewish terrorism in those lands, which identical reports confirm is A parallel arm of the Israeli army and the security establishment. A new manifestation of this policy is the approval of the Israeli Knesset, last March, to cancel provisions included in what is known as the "unilateral disengagement law from the Gaza Strip and four settlements in the northern West Bank," 18 years after its approval in 2005.

The law provides for the abolition of provisions in the previous law, which prohibited settlers from entering the area of four evacuated settlements in the occupied West Bank, Janim, Kadim, Homesh and Sanur, in a way that opens the way for their resettlement, which happened in recent days and drew widespread criticism from the United States and the European Union. The cancellation of these clauses was part of the conditions of the extreme religious right-wing parties in return for joining the coalition of the current Netanyahu government, without overlooking that the Likud party itself seems quite ready, and for a long time, to take such a step, even without stipulating it from its allies.

The new law is also a vital element in the current Israeli government's effort to legalize the Homesh outpost, which settlers have repeatedly tried to rebuild. Israeli associations specialized in monitoring settlements in the occupied territories and opponents of the law said that it would be used to expand settlement activity in the region in general, and would lead to the actual annexation of large parts of the West Bank.

Prior to the current government's steps, in October 2016, Netanyahu's fourth government approved the proposal submitted by Minister of Agriculture Uri Ariel (from the Jewish Home party) regarding the resumption of the work of the "Settlement Division" as one of the departments in this Ariel ministry (it was placed under his responsibility as part of from the coalition agreement when forming the government), and that was after freezing the work of this division for about two years, due to legal disputes, suspicions, and accusations that prevented government budgets from being monitored and transferred to it. This decision meant that the government and its various branches would restore the central means of deepening settlement in the West Bank in the first place, and in addition to that, the division would continue what is called “the management of Israeli settlement lands in the rural sector” in the West Bank, that is, the distribution of lands to Jewish settlers in the West Bank, which it does. Since 1967.

It should also be noted that the success of the colonial Israeli settlement project in the West Bank is conditional, in an important aspect, on the acceptance and agreement of a large number of Jews to actively participate in it. Their acceptance is due, at one level, to the material benefit they reap. Throughout the history of Zionist settlement, the settlers enjoyed general economic resources that, with time, turned into private property for them.

And while allocating resources to settlements and settlers was carried out in the past by resorting to tricks and maneuvers that were overwhelmingly within the “gray area” between legal and illegal, in recent years it has become an “integral part” of government spending that enjoys pure formal legality, through various laws It was enacted for this purpose, among them mainly the “General Budget Law”, in addition to various laws and legal orders aimed at plundering and appropriating Palestinian lands. Hence, what is included in the new budget law that was approved by the Knesset last week in everything related to monitoring budgets and various material resources for settlements and settlers constitutes a strict implementation of the prevailing official political directions in Israel, and comes to serve these directions.

Even according to the calculations of Israeli organizations, the share of the Jewish settler in the West Bank from the state's new general budget is equivalent to five times the share of the Israeli in any of the various residential areas within the so-called "green line". About "The New Arab"