Indications of the armed phenomenon and the crisis of the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships

Written by: Jamal Zaqout
There is no doubt that the return of the conflict scene to the phenomenon of armed resistance reflects in a profound way the extent of the failure of the settlement project on which the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization bet, and in this bet it cast all the history and achievements of the Palestinian revolution, including the achievements of the great Palestinian people's uprising in 1987. Etisam also This phenomenon, in its supra-factional nature, shows the extent to which these resistance fighters have withdrawn from the components of the national movement, especially the two poles of the divisive scene, with what their struggle over the "absent legitimacy" caused. To the extent that each of them has acquired a single authority, they constitute two sides of the same coin to the crisis of the national movement stuck between the jaws of the state of division, and the strategic failure of their two projects due to their divergence from the popular will and the requirements of political participation, as seen by the overwhelming majority of the Palestinian people at this stage, including the people’s right to choose Free to lead it, in a way that enhances national unity with its popular character, and not the misery of the phenomena of exclusivity and exclusion that have dominated the public scene, given that the title and nature of the stage has not yet left, and since the establishment of the national authority, the stage of national liberation, despite the responsibilities brought about by that establishment during which the process of national liberation overlapped with The requirements of democratic building, foremost of which is the building of a competent national institution capable of providing the best services that enhance the steadfastness of the Palestinian people as they embark on the process of national liberation to win freedom and independence, given that the citizen, his status and his rights in citizenship are the largest and most important capital for the accomplishment of these overlapping tasks.

It is quite clear that both the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and the Hamas authority in the Gaza Strip stand at an almost equal distance from this phenomenon, which in one of its dimensions provides an opposite answer to their positions and the state of failure from which they suffer, including the continuation of the bet on the relationship with Israel, whether Those related to security coordination in the West Bank, or Hamas' keenness to abide by the rules of calm in exchange for economic facilities that guarantee its survival in the Gaza Strip, and the possibility of allowing it to expand into the West Bank. The political system in Israel, all of which agree on excluding any political settlement with the Palestinians, which is the strategy that constitutes the core of the current and long-term political crisis of the entire Zionist project.

Oslo failure and Israel's coup against the settlement

Since Sharon stormed the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque, which sparked the second Intifada, as an expression of the failure of the Oslo track, and Israel's complete reversal on this track, despite its vagueness, by returning to Menachem Begin's plan for curtailed self-rule, the content of the Allon project for a regional settlement in the West Bank, and the Palestinian leadership's dependence on the possibility of return Negotiations, or Hamas's belief that its control over the Gaza Strip and the adoption of what might be called its deterrence ability by possessing a "missile arsenal" is another side of the same coin that excludes popular will and participation, and the crisis of the national movement is deepening day after day, and with it the vacuum gap widens between the components of this movement and the various Popular groups, especially young ones. Without both the national authority and the Hamas authority resolutely ordering their rational exit from the circle of continued absurd unilateralism in the national destiny, and direct and indirect involvement in the game of engineering the formation of a “leadership” that is far from the requirements of national unity through inclusive national institutions, and through the ballot boxes, each of them will remain Stuck in the square drawn by the occupation government to further dismantle the national movement, and to facilitate the monopoly of those who control the national decision in an attempt to subdue them.

It is true that the current phenomenon of resistance daily garners more support and popular support, and its scope expands as the occupation government plunges into Palestinian blood. However, the basic message that this phenomenon carries, regardless of the extent of its ability to continue or Israel's ability to stop it, is that the will of the people The Palestinian and his refusal to submit to the Israeli liquidation schemes are capable of being renewed in different forms, and the struggle against the occupation has witnessed different and similar waves, whether with the public phenomenon of the persecuted in the Gaza Strip since the beginning of the seventies of the last century, until the outbreak of the great popular uprising in the second half of the eighties, and what is between them and what followed them. of successive upsurges and waves.

The crisis of the Zionist project

The essence of Israel's crisis and its Zionist project is represented in the arrogance of the excess of power, and the illusion of its political system with the possibility of cauterizing the consciousness of the Palestinian people to force them to surrender, and the competition of the various Zionist parties on how to prevent the Palestinian people from building their independent state as an essential component for exercising their right to self-determination. Such a strategy practiced by the successive governments of Israel will only lead to more resistance, and perhaps to a rush of conflict not only towards dismantling and ending the military and settlement occupation, but also to a joint struggle to defeat the racist character of the Zionist project, and to exercise the right of self-determination for the two peoples within the framework of one democratic state. It is clear that the treatment of the crisis of Zionist ideology is driven by its racist nature and the arrogance of the excess of the occupying power towards the second option.

Requirements for national and democratic change

The second message that the phenomenon of armed resistance sends to the Palestinian national movement is that the time has come for a change in the structure and strategies of the national movement's work, so that the Palestinian people will not remain captive to attempts to subjugate them to the game of "engineering their leadership" or warring its parties. This calls for the unity of the will of the Palestinians and the protection of their national interests and goals. , For a democratic change that rebuilds their unity within the framework of a comprehensive national movement and one representative institutions, and the question is who are the social forces qualified to carry out this great task and how?