OPINIONS
Wed 15 Mar 2023 9:02 pm - Jerusalem Time
Horizons of resistance in the northern West Bank
Written by: Hani Al-Masry
She participated in a symposium organized by the Vision Center for Political Development in Istanbul on "The Political Repercussions of Developments in the Northern West Bank", in which she presented an intervention entitled "The Political Dimensions of the Resistance Phenomenon in the Northern West Bank, and an Attempt to Anticipate Its Future". In it, I focused on the causes and contexts that led to the phenomenon of resistance in the northern West Bank, which took the title of "Jenin Brigade" and "Lions' Den" in Nablus. It also dealt with the prospects for this phenomenon, and the possibility of its continuation and transformation into an armed uprising.
Reasons for the "Northern Bank" Phenomenon
First: The reasons and factors that sowed the seeds and signs of this phenomenon began during the past year, specifically after the outbreaks and waves of the Intifada in Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank, which spread to the Palestinian interior, and contributed to the outbreak of the Battle of the Sword of Jerusalem, and the creative process that manifested itself in the Freedom Tunnel. However, this phenomenon crystallized in its current form this year, particularly after the resistance operations that took place in the West Bank and the 1948 territories, and led to the death of about 20 Israelis. All of these reasons and factors raised the morale of the Palestinian people, restored confidence in their ranks, and led to more young people being drawn into the ranks of the resistance.
Second: The weakness of the authority contributed to the birth of this phenomenon, which was evident when its political project reached a dead end, its failure to adopt a new project, and the postponement or rather the cancellation of the elections for fear of their results. This led to further erosion of the authority’s legitimacy, and its loss of what remained of its popularity and prestige, especially in light of setting an economic security ceiling for the Palestinian-Israeli relations without any content or political horizon, in addition to the exacerbation of disputes and struggles over power and positions that intensified due to the succession struggle. It also appeared in the freezing of Tawfiq Al-Tirawi’s membership in the Central Committee of the Fatah movement, and before him the dismissal of Nasser Al-Kidwa, and in the failure to set a new date for holding the eighth conference of the Fatah movement, although two previous dates were set in the months of March and May, and they were not adhered to.
The powerlessness of the authority was evident as the sun in its standing idly by, as it is afraid of siding with its people, and what this could lead to in terms of confrontation with the occupation, and it is afraid of the consequences of its participation in extinguishing this phenomenon by doubling its role in arresting the resistance fighters and withdrawing their weapons before it expands, especially after it Former and current members of the security services participated in it, despite the occupation forces increasing the frequency of incursions, assassinations, arrests, house demolitions, closing institutions, expanding settlements, and proceeding with the implementation of the Judaization scheme of Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa at unprecedented rates, and this created a vacuum in which the new brigades found It is necessary to try to fill it, and this called for new symbols to suit him, such as Fathi Khazem Abu Raad, who became a symbol and leader of this phenomenon.
Third: The increase in Israeli extremism, and the escalation of aggression in all its forms, play a prominent role in creating the phenomenon, for every action has an equal and opposite reaction in direction, including the escalation of military aggression, as happened in the daily incursions into Palestinian areas, including classified Palestinian cities. (A), It is assumed that, according to the Oslo Accords, the occupying forces do not enter it except in cases of hot pursuit.
Here it is useful to point out that what the Israeli governments have been doing since Benjamin Netanyahu came to power in 2009, and the government of Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, is no longer satisfied with managing the conflict as it was during the period since the signing of the Oslo Accords, until the governments of Netanyahu and Ehud Barak killed him. There is no longer any so-called "peace process".
Certainly, what the Bennett and Lapid government has done does not fall under the name of reducing the conflict, and the aim of these terms is to “mitigate” the continuous crimes committed by the occupation, as stated in the book “Trap 67” by Micah Goodman, and adopted by Benny Gantz, the Israeli Minister of War. What is happening on the ground indicates the escalation of the conflict, and its taking on new forms in which the occupation forces are trying to reduce collective punishments as much as possible, and limit their operations to areas that witness resistance in an attempt to drive a wedge between the "good, peaceful" Palestinian and the "bad, terrorist" Palestinian.
Fourth: There is no doubt that the regional and international developments taking place play a role in fueling the conflict, especially the Ukrainian war and its repercussions, and the race between war and peace in several files, such as: the Taiwan file, the demarcation of the maritime borders between Lebanon and Israel, and the Israeli nuclear file. Israel is trying to exploit what is happening in terms of global events and the world's preoccupation with them, and it is seeking in a race against time to impose more facts on the ground in Palestine. In order for the Israeli solution to be the only proposed and feasible solution in practice, as well as trying to proceed with the series of normalization and normalization that aims to marginalize the Palestinian cause in the Arab world, in order to help implement its larger goal, which is the liquidation of the Palestinian cause from its various dimensions, perceiving that the current historical moment is a typical opportunity to achieve it.
The birth contexts of the resistance phenomenon in the northern West Bank
In order for the phenomenon under study to be interpreted, it is necessary to see the context in which it came. It is noticeable that after the cessation of the second intifada in 2004, the resistance took different forms than it had in the past. Where we witnessed the form of the occupation launching the military aggression against Gaza again and again, with the continuation of the suffocating siege on the Strip, which turned it into the largest and longest prison in history, and we witnessed the form of the outbreak of the return marches, and the repeated donations of Jerusalem in order to defend the Palestinian Arab identity of Jerusalem and the protection of the holy sites, especially Al-Aqsa Mosque, as we witnessed waves of defense of land, property, trees, and stone in the face of the occupation and armed settlers from Ni’lin and Bil’in to Beita, Kafr Qaddum, Nabi Saleh, Beit Dajan, and many others, and to the outbreak of the knife uprising, which lasted for more than a year.
The resistance took the form of waves and outbursts, and did not turn into a comprehensive uprising, although fewer events than what happened during the previous years, specifically the current year, led to an uprising, especially in light of the implementation of the temporal and spatial division plan for the Al-Aqsa Mosque in preparation for its legitimacy, similar to what happened. It took place in the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron.
It is not possible to explain the fact that neither the waves nor the response to the repeated military aggression on the Gaza Strip turned into uprisings without seeing the impact of the absence of a comprehensive national institution, unified strategies, and unified leadership, as a result of the division and the conflict between the two authorities over representation, interests, and gains, and its continuity and deepening. As it exhausted the Palestinian energies in an internal conflict, and this makes the character of the resistance individual, local, and seasonal, and it is dominated by reactions, and it is difficult if the situation continues in this way to achieve decisive victories.
There is no doubt that the official leadership’s rejection of the option of resistance in all its forms, including popular resistance, except with formal and limited limits, is one of the most important reasons that prevent military flashes, waves, and confrontations from turning into a comprehensive uprising, whether popular or armed, or a combination of the two forms, as the case of Waiting plays a role in the survival of the state of tidal waves, as the opposition factions have not crystallized a comprehensive vision and a concrete plan.
In addition, the security strikes that the resistance factions are exposed to are from the occupation in the first place, and from the authority in the second degree, in addition to the more subjugation of the authority in the West Bank to the reality created by the occupation, and the unilateral control of Hamas over the power in the Gaza Strip, and its giving priority to the interests of the authority and its priority over the needs of the resistance. In addition to the obsolescence, sagging, lack of reform, renewal and change of the factions, and dissolving them in power or in the two powers; It is one of the most important factors that explain the phenomenon of waves that witness ebbs and flows. As soon as one wave, upsurge, or military confrontation ends, another begins.
If we deal with the position of the authority regarding the phenomenon, we will find that it is in an unenviable position. As it wants this phenomenon to end as quickly as possible. Because its continuation marginalizes the role of the PA, reduces the occupation’s dependence on it, and could lead to broadening its support among the Fatah movement and the security services, to the extent that a kind of rebellion may occur, or even the collapse of the PA, while it could employ it in the opposite direction to improve its position. As an indication of the failure of the occupation to cauterize the consciousness of the Palestinians and push them to abandon the resistance, and the importance of having a political horizon.
The authority carries out arrests and repression in places where it is able to do so, such as what happened in Qalqilya and Hebron, and hesitates after it tried to suppress this phenomenon in Nablus by arresting Musab Shtayyeh and Dean Tubaila. As there was a revolution against it; This prompted it to try to contain the phenomenon in order to end it by persuading its members to surrender themselves and their weapons, obtaining compensation and emptying them into the ranks of the authority and the security services, as happened previously at the end of the second intifada. It helps that this phenomenon is attended by large numbers of members of the Al-Aqsa Brigades, and members of the Fatah movement, especially in Nablus. It quickly suppresses and arrests them.
This phenomenon is spontaneous, individual, local, and cross-factional, despite the fact that there are members of the factions, but they often do not consider their factions a reference for them, and there is no crystallized intellectual structure or a specific organizational structure, and there are no senior leaders that can end the phenomenon through their arrest or assassination. And it defined a policy that was dominated by defense, until it moved recently, with its increasing influence and escalation of aggression, to the initiative to confront any unprecedented intrusion and even martyrdom, and by attacking with a focus on preventing settlers from visiting Joseph’s tomb, and preoccupying the occupation forces and settlers while they roamed the nearby, shared and surrounding streets. Especially in the city of Nablus, and it expanded and could expand, especially if the occupation resorted to escalating its aggression, and carried out operations as a defensive wall and collective punishments, or if the resistance caused human losses among the Israelis.
It also expanded due to its increased reliance on social media, to the extent that some Israeli circles called it the "Tik Tok Intifada", which is a double-edged sword that is harmful to security. It makes it easy to pursue the resistance fighters, identifying their locations, and the communication network between them, and is useful for mobilization, rapid deployment, mobilization, and media, as happened last Thursday, when the "Lions' Den" called for igniting tires in the areas around Joseph's tomb to prevent settlers and occupation forces from storming; Where great numbers answered the call, some of them, perhaps most of them, do not belong to the lions' den.
Despite the spontaneity, a good degree of awareness and organization emerged by considering the “den of lions” that they represent the generation of sacrifice, so they resist even martyrdom, and believe in the emergence of the generation of preparation after them, then the generation of liberation. That is, they do not follow calls and predictions about the demise of Israel in this year or the year after, and they welcome the aid from the factions, and the coverage they provide, especially the Hamas and Jihad movements, but they were keen to distinguish themselves from the factions by not covering the bodies of the martyrs with factional flags, and they are keen They focus their resistance on the occupation and the unity of the people in confronting it, and they reject calls to clash with power, and they encourage the phenomenon that this generation creates its symbols and heroes, as noted by focusing on the importance of the martyrs and their symbol Fathi Khazim, the father of the martyrs Raad and Abdul Rahman.
Possible scenarios
The first scenario: a temporary wave of resistance without an incubator
This is the most likely scenario, and it is based on the fact that the phenomenon of resistance is a wave that will reach its peak and recede sooner or later. There is no intellectual, political, leadership, programmatic, or organizational incubator to protect it and ensure its continuity. Even Hamas supports it and provides cover for it, but it does not adopt it and fears its consequences in terms of pushing Matters lead to a major confrontation prematurely, and to lure the Gaza Strip into the battle. As for the jihad movement, it is the only one that fully adopts this phenomenon and is involved in it, especially in Jenin, and it has no Arab, regional or international depth. Most of the parties are against it, while Iran and its allies are with it, but they are facing important choices and possibilities and a race between war and agreement, and in light of which the degree of its support for this phenomenon will be determined.
This phenomenon is characterized by publicity, and perhaps the burning of stages, without providing adequate protection. This enabled the occupation to hunt down its elements without major losses in its ranks. The popular incubator is not enough, especially in light of the political, economic, social and security structure that took shape after decades of occupation, and after division occurs; What created segments and individuals against the resistance, and they justify that it is without a horizon. In addition, the nature of the land and the intelligence and technological capabilities of the enemy; The occupation will enable it to strike it, as can be seen through the daily assassinations and arrests, without meaning that it will achieve its goals. The resistance continues, wave after wave. Because the reasons for its eruption are continuous.
The second scenario: a limited shift in the position of the authority
This scenario is based on a limited shift in the position of the leadership and the authority, by using this phenomenon to improve the position of the authority towards the occupation without engaging in it, and it may also be accompanied by a shift in the position of the factions towards this phenomenon. As it moves from support and providing cover to adoption and involvement in it, especially if the Algerian initiative makes progress, and this will give the phenomenon of resistance greater depth and support, but it is not sufficient to achieve a strategic victory.
The third scenario: the occurrence of dramatic local, regional and international developments
This scenario can be realized if dramatic developments occur in the escalation of the Israeli aggression, taking great steps in Jerusalem, and Al-Aqsa in particular, and committing massacres or massive displacement from the interior to Area C in the West Bank, or annexing areas to Israel, especially if Netanyahu and the more right-wing win. Extremism in the upcoming elections, or major developments in the Ukrainian war, and at the level of regional files, such as the use of weapons of mass destruction, tactical nuclear or biological weapons, or the outbreak of a limited or wide regional war between Lebanon or Iran and its allies with the occupying entity.
This is a development with opportunity and caveats. The occupation can use any Palestinian military participation alongside the axis of resistance as a pretext to implement major steps in Jerusalem and against Al-Aqsa, annex areas of lands classified (C), and displace Palestinian citizens from within under security pretexts, and that it is a temporary measure and convert it into a permanent one if it is implemented.
Finally, the phenomenon of resistance in the north of the West Bank is very important, and it is liable to expand and spread, especially in light of the absence of any political horizon, and the increasing difficulty of the situation, even if it cannot achieve decisive and qualitative victories, as it keeps the ember of resistance burning, keeps the cause alive, and fails. Or impede the rapid implementation of occupation plans without a heavy price, raise morale and confidence, and lay the foundations for upcoming waves of gifts and confrontations.
As long as the factors and reasons that led to the outbreak of resistance wave after wave, uprising after uprising, and revolution after revolution, are on the path of a continuous comprehensive uprising, we will be able to win, and achieve self-determination, freedom, independence, return and equality, on the path to defeating the racist settler-colonial project, and establishing A democratic country in which everyone lives in equality and justice.
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Horizons of resistance in the northern West Bank