On the duality of the sword and popular resistance

Written by: Awad Abdel Fattah

The latest round of aggression against the resistance in the Gaza Strip has reopened the big questions more sharply than before, and on a larger scale, and the controversy over them has not subsided. This debate bypassed, this time, the two sides of division, or the axes of resistance and surrender, to expand within the elite and the popular base supporting the resistance. The debate took a polarizing turn, which raised fear of deepening the division within the ranks of the resistance fighters, or the public of the Palestinian resistance, which has been confined to the Palestinian people for many years.

And resistance does not only mean the armed form. Popular resistance, in its political, cultural, economic, artistic and educational form, is also an effective model capable of bringing about overwhelming change.

As for the balanced pens, which dealt with the event responsibly, they disappeared from the eyes and minds of the public, especially since the moment of the event, and the event itself, detonates emotions and anger, at the expense of deliberation and rational calculations.

Most of the controversy centered on the issue of Hamas not joining the Islamic Jihad movement in confronting the treacherous Zionist aggression. Some went so far as to betray Hamas. Although no statement was issued by the "Jihad" leaders against "Hamas", rather, it was confirmed that a joint operations room would be formed.

Before entering into the crux of the matter, and addressing what was absent from the discussion and the raging debate, there are realistic and contradictory facts and opinions regarding them that the Palestinian people live and affect and are affected by. It must be recalled.

First, the Palestinian people have been living for many years with a state of division entrenched in the body of the national movement, a state of separation between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, not to mention the largest colonial fragmentation among all Palestinian communities, at home and in the diaspora.

Secondly, the failure of all attempts to restore unity, reform and restore the Palestine Liberation Organization from the Oslo team.

Third, the state of normalization between the Oslo regime and the apartheid regime deepens, the authoritarianism of the head of the authority grows, and the structure of corruption expands.

Fourth, the emergence of a Zionist regional Arab current, which went beyond diplomatic normalization, into a security alliance, to protect regimes, and has an extension within the Green Line, in the form of an alliance with the apartheid regime and Zionism.

Fifth, the marginalization of the Palestinian cause by the so-called international community.

Sixth, the victory of tyrannical regimes over their people, revealing the extent of their original crime represented in the failure to establish a free and just civil state, and the failure to liberate the Palestinian and Arab lands.

In exchange for this data; On the other hand, there are various other promising data, which represent an important paradox:

First, Palestine is witnessing a rise in awareness, frequent popular movements, and a parallel boom in knowledge production on liberation and the Palestinian cause, and in the many initiatives that seek to restore consideration for the inclusive national project, and to pave the way for the emergence of new leaders qualified to lead the project.

Secondly, the development of the structure of the resistance in a small Palestinian sector, most of whose population lives in abject poverty, and the growth of its remarkable capabilities to manage resistance to aggression for long days, under intense bombardment by the largest and most modern military arsenal in the region. Examining the model of resistance in the Gaza Strip, in a sector that has been besieged by Israel for a decade and a half, from the sea, air and land, and in which an Arab regime from the south participates in the siege, will leave any objective observer in a state of astonishment, and lead him to see this as a mythical act.

Third, Israel's inability to achieve a decisive victory in any round of aggression, despite the heavy human losses among the Palestinian people, not to mention the great material losses and the resulting severe suffering and misery.

All of this reaffirms the categorical fact that the people of Palestine will remain the difficult figure, and will continue to resist for their freedom, because they have no other choice.

These important data do not mean that there is clarity on how the Palestinian scene will develop, in the present and in the future, or that any of the forces on the Palestinian scene have certainty. Every battle opens up old and new questions, without resolving the most important thing in it, which is why does every battle end, and these enormous sacrifices, without political gains, or even an easing of the siege on the Gaza Strip, so how should that fighting spirit be invested in the vanguards of this people? How does the battle end? What is the best strategy of resistance in the current Palestinian, Arab and international climate, and in return a colonizer who is becoming increasingly brutal and brutal and rejects any of the Palestinian rights. And does the liberation of Palestine fall on the shoulders of Gaza? Isn't that a great injustice, and a grave defect that we are unable to unite the arenas and divide the burdens?

overpowering popular resistance

The current circumstance calls for reopening the question of the strategy of the popular resistance, especially after the Zionist aggressive tours of the Gaza Strip and other areas. Modern and old Palestinian experiences have proven that this strategy is the most capable of uniting the Palestinian people and activating all their energies, segments and all groups. Yes, this strategy has proven its success in creating a unified awareness of Palestine, but unfortunately it was not given the required scope once.

The last example was the May 2021 uprising, the uprising of unity and dignity. Many may forget that it was the popular movements in Damascus Gate, Al-Aqsa, and Sheikh Jarrah that moved all the Palestinian people, and pushed them to the streets, even before Hamas entered the front line.

It is true that no one can be certain that the entry of "Hamas" was the reason for stopping the comprehensive and daring popular movements, in all of historical Palestine, but that is a possible possibility, but the truth is that the unity of the people preceded the "Hamas" missiles, and this necessitated serious thinking about the need to restore Bringing popular resistance to the table of the Palestinian factions as a real strategy, especially since Israel continued to reject the demands of the resistance, despite the legendary steadfastness embodied by the resistance factions in confronting the aggression.

Of course, every people, under occupation, siege and colonialism, has the right to defend itself by all means, provided that civilians are not harmed. This is what international laws and norms recognize. However, the leadership of the peoples also chose the means that suit their circumstances in each stage of the conflict, and that produce better results with less losses. The issue is not either the sword, popular resistance, sanctification of armed struggle, or any other means.

At certain stages, it is possible to adopt popular resistance, as our Palestinian people did, at the beginning of the armed Zionist invasion, in the early twentieth century, or adopt armed struggle at a later stage, as the Palestinians did against British colonialism and armed Zionist organizations, after Britain and the Zionists rejected petitions, appeals, And peaceful movements, such as demonstrations and boycotting Zionist goods, to which the leaders of the Palestinian people resorted.

After the Zionist movement was able to occupy Palestine in 1948, the national action factions were left with nothing but the means of struggle approved by international laws, including armed action, which played an important role in crystallizing the national movement and the identity of the Palestinian people, in the sixties and seventies, before this option entered, Or the way he manages it in a real crisis.

The first Palestinian Intifada, in 1987, was a unique example of popular resistance, which was initiated by the people of Palestine in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, after they discovered that armed action was entering a phase of decline. It is true that the Israeli occupier committed murder against the uprising, but the effect of this glorious uprising internally, socially, politically and in the media on the external level in favor of the Palestinian cause was enormous.

The results of this heroic collective popular struggle, which lasted for more than four years, were not destroyed except by the mismanagement of the Palestinian leadership, which was still abroad and was looking for a quick solution to its impasse, after it left Beirut following the Zionist aggression in 1982. It became clear to us that the structure of this leadership, Which successfully launched the contemporary Palestinian revolution in 1965, reunified the Palestinian people, and crystallized the Palestinian national identity. It is not qualified to achieve any real victory. It moved from the goal of Palestinian liberation and the establishment of a single democratic state in all of Palestine, to a two-state solution, ending with Bantustan rule, and an agent for the colonizer. Diplomacy has become the only means, a diplomacy that is hesitant, distrustful, and has not achieved any real achievement.

Against the background of this catastrophic failure of the leadership of the Liberation Organization, new Palestinian forces arose, with a religious ideology, which turned into armed forces, resistance, which contributed and continues to contribute to re-injecting the conflict with the colonizer, as a struggle against a colonizer, and not a conflict between two states.

However, these forces face major challenges faced by the fading Palestinian forces, whether at the political level, such as accepting the two-state solution, sanctifying the armed struggle, at the expense of popular action, as well as establishing ambiguous and contradictory relations with Arab regimes and regional powers, which is similar to the approach of the movement. to open".

These forces, despite their struggle, did not succeed in presenting a comprehensive national project for all Palestinians, with a civic, national liberation content. They remained, despite the amendments to their program, confined to their ideological or doctrinal vision, and did not strive to address the new generations with modern liberal thinking, nor did they present An attractive example of governance.

Secondly, it did not seriously engage in formulating a popular resistance strategy. It is true that most of the factions, including the "Hamas" movement, began to talk seriously about popular resistance a few years ago, especially after the success of the popular battles in Jerusalem and its neighborhoods. In formulating a detailed strategy, and mobilizing and educating the cadres of the factions, on how to practice this model of resistance, based on the rich experiences of the Palestinian people, and the experiences of other peoples such as South Africa and others.

Gaza alone cannot liberate Palestine, nor is it required to do so. Liberation is the burden of the entire Palestinian people, but rather the burden of the Arab peoples. But the people of Palestine, by virtue of being directly under the yoke of the settler occupation, are the ones who must play the role of the spearhead. In order for it to play this role effectively, and with the least losses, the necessary conditions must be met, the most important of which is national militant unity, a clear, liberating political vision, and a long-term, effective and effective struggle strategy, the consequences of which the people can bear. At each next stage, the leaders meet and decide which means are appropriate for this or that stage.

The most effective means in this difficult stage is the popular resistance, and it must be coupled with a real belief that it is the best, and that it can achieve comprehensive liberation, and we must hope that this goal will be achieved through this strategy.

It is better for us and better for the future of this country, and coexistence based on justice and equality. And if this is not achieved in the coming years, that is, if the occupation continues its arrogance, then the new generations will find other forms of struggle that suit the new circumstance, and suit the capabilities of the Palestinian people, which will have reached a much better level. Even with the preparation and practice of the movements and factions as a strategy for popular resistance, the arena of conflict will still witness the phenomenon of the individual fedayeen, who makes his decision without guidance or instructions from any party. The harsh reality of oppression pushes many individuals to choose this path, and this is a natural product of the colonizer's brutality. About "Arab 48"