The release of Eidans...is there a breakthrough that will stop the genocide?

Without exaggeration or downplaying, the differences between Washington and Tel Aviv appear to be real. The announcement of a ceasefire between Washington and the Houthis, which did not include Israel, was completed without coordination with it. This was preceded by the announcement of the start of negotiations with Tehran, also without involving Netanyahu in their details. Furthermore, the White House National Security Advisor was dismissed for merely attempting to brief Netanyahu on their content. Now, the release of Idan Alexander has occurred, without Tel Aviv's involvement other than obligating it to observe a ceasefire during his release.

These indicators cannot be underestimated. Despite Israel's status in American policy, in terms of ensuring its security and military superiority, it has apparently decided that its interests in the Middle East are not limited or defined solely by what Tel Aviv wants or rejects. Washington, which acts with an uncompromising concern for Israel's security, views this priority as one of its interests, but not the only one.

The resistance acted intelligently in the issue of releasing the American Idan and the soldier in the occupation army, in an attempt to open a breach in the wall of deadlock designed by Netanyahu, that no deal will end the war without the resistance’s submission to his conditions, which unfortunately some have bet on, and even demanded that the resistance accept it under the pretext of removing pretexts, which in reality means nothing but complete surrender, which gives Netanyahu the opportunity to declare victory on a golden platter over the skulls of the victims, the destruction, and the crimes he committed in the Gaza Strip. If Tel Aviv succeeds in achieving this, it will not stop continuing to implement what Netanyahu calls changing the Middle East, and what it means by displacing the Gazans, proceeding with the annexation plan, dismantling the Palestinian Authority, and imposing Israeli peace by force of racist arrogance on the entire region.

These developments come on the eve of Trump's visit today to a number of Gulf Arab states, starting with Riyadh. During the visit, the US-Saudi agreement will be announced, responding to Saudi demands related to the kingdom's position in US defense policy, arms deals, and the nuclear agreement Riyadh is seeking. This agreement is also being negotiated without further Israeli conditions, and appears to be without normalization at this stage. All of this comes within the context of Trump's absolute and highest priority, represented by his promises to historically revitalize the US economy through the trillions he will receive from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar in particular.

It is well known that the Arab states possess important cards in the context of mutual interests with Washington, and that it was possible, and still is possible, to use them to immediately stop the war of extermination, as a step towards rebuilding the Gaza Strip and moving towards a just solution to the Palestinian issue, in accordance with the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, ensuring Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, and enabling the Palestinian people to determine their fate. It is true that achieving this, at this tense moment, requires a rational and pragmatic policy from the Palestinian resistance in the Gaza Strip. In this context, the resistance has provided fundamental and important signals and positions that the leadership of the Palestinian Authority and the leaders of the pivotal Arab states should have seized upon and encouraged, leading to a unified Palestinian position and consensus among the components of the Palestinian people on unifying its comprehensive national institutions, based on the Beijing Agreement, and beginning to form a national consensus government that undertakes to fully address the components of the Gaza file in all its dimensions, and reunifies the comprehensive national institutions at the level of the PLO and the PA, rather than reformulating them merely to appease others.

Is this tension between Washington and Tel Aviv merely a summer cloud, or does it bear the seeds of some balance in Washington's Middle East policy? It is impossible to answer this question with absolute certainty, but in any case, it imposes national Palestinian and Arab responsibilities, in coordination with countries influential in international decision-making, to influence any apparent change, however limited, to halt the war of extermination, uphold the rights of our people, and prevent the squandering of their immense sacrifices.

It is impossible to predict what Trump will or will not announce. He is, as experience has proven, a fickle personality, and he has no fixed principles. However, this does not absolve us from our duties, foremost among which is to stop betting on what pleases Tel Aviv or what does not, and to stop engaging in the game of engineering the Palestinian situation according to this bet. Our approach should be that no voice is louder than the call to stop the war of starvation and genocide to save our people and their ability to survive, without compromise or surrender. Are we capable of doing so?