OPINIONS
Thu 06 Jun 2024 9:22 am - Jerusalem Time
“The proposed American deal” is in the balance of profit and loss
The American President presented a political declaration proposing a deal for a prisoner exchange and a ceasefire. The American administration moved its intelligence and diplomats to make shuttle visits to the mediators’ capitals, and presented the deal to the Security Council to issue a resolution supporting it. This accelerated interaction comes under the weight of the fire of genocide to which the Gaza Strip is being exposed. Several months ago, the Biden administration began researching ways to complete a prisoner exchange deal that would lead to stopping the genocide, which raises a question about the possibility of stopping genocide and searching for Israeli-imposed concessions and achievements that can be achieved Palestinians.
The American deal contains a set of contradictory ideas that essentially represent the Israeli vision, which includes three interconnected stages that begin with the exchange of prisoners, then the withdrawal of the occupation forces penetrating into the Gaza Strip and the return of the displaced to their homes that were destroyed in all the governorates. As for the third and final stage, the reconstruction process will be discussed after the genocide losses exceeded $50 billion. All this without the United States guaranteeing the implementation of the declaration in its three stages. Not only that, but Biden demanded that Israel and Hamas agree to the political declaration and turn it into a deal.
The deal and the Israeli equation of acceptance and rejection
Since the beginning of the Israeli-Arab conflict, the Western world has supported Israel’s expansionist policy and its wars with the Arab countries financially, militarily, and legally. Since the signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s, the Western world has supported Palestinian rights nominally, but has continued to support Israel in practice. This Western approach, led by the United States, is evident through the duality of policies and goals, even though the political solution proposed to end the conflict and establish a Palestinian state is essentially Western and has been legitimized by the resolutions of the General Assembly and the UN Security Council.
Israel employs Western support to achieve its occupation expansionist aspirations, regardless of who leads its government. You can hardly see the differences in the political programs of the Israeli parties after the tyranny of the right in all its forms and colors. This is demonstrated by Benjamin Netanyahu’s contradictory statements since Biden’s announcement, all of which can be summarized with “Laam,” meaning that he agrees, but without abandoning his declared goal, which is to eliminate Hamas and its rule. This vision is shared by the populist religious right in Israel, and to a lesser extent by the existing opposition. In or outside the war government. Israel has become accustomed to using the equation of contradiction (accepting what the Arabs reject, and rejecting what they accept) throughout the years of conflict. The real goal of the war of extermination is to remove 2.3 million people in the Gaza Strip from its Palestinian extension, either through killing or displacement.
Israel is not interested in reaching a comprehensive deal, even if it faces a number of challenges, such as pressure to free prisoners through field demonstrations or political opposition. It works to restore the theory of deterrence after it was shattered by the annihilation of what remained in the Gaza Strip, and in the end it works to force the Palestinian factions to accept what they offered and rejected months ago, after the number of human and material losses has doubled many times over. There is no international pressure forcing Israel to pay benefits to stop the genocide. The world cannot be forced to pay the cost of the reconstruction process either.
The deal and the dynamics of factional politics
The main desired achievement for the Palestinians is the establishment of a state on the borders of June 4, 1967, which is the consensual goal of all Palestinians despite the differences in political programmes, and because historical and political injustice has existed for decades due to the absence of international justice, the Palestinians are struggling to achieve the goal by all available means and means within multiple means of struggle. Despite the legitimacy of all tools, the Palestinian equation must be based on “reducing Palestinian losses and making Israel pay the price for its occupation,” and accumulating achievements, not losses. This requires searching for a break in the occupation equations supported by the West, by reading local and international data, to create new paths and policies. Because the stability of the current factional position means the continuation of the genocide, which means certain loss. Politics is dynamic and knows no stagnation. This leads us to the necessity of expanding the Palestinian negotiating delegation in a way that reflects new Palestinian consensuses, and providing an Arab incubator to be able to convince the world and open new paths to stop the genocide and rebuild.
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“The proposed American deal” is in the balance of profit and loss