الأحد 07 يونيو 2026 11:42 صباحًا - بتوقيت القدس

The Naksa after 59 years and the two-state solution

On the fourth of June each year, Palestinians recall the last day before the 1967 war, the day before the Naksa (setback) that changed the face of the region and ushered the Palestinian people into a new phase of military occupation that continues to this day. Fifty-nine years later, the Naksa does not seem to be merely an event of the past, but rather a political, legal, and humanitarian reality whose repercussions continue to manifest in different forms on Palestinian land. The 1967 war constituted a pivotal turning point in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and produced a clear international legal framework represented by Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, which affirmed a fundamental principle in international law that the acquisition of territory by force is unacceptable, and that a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through ending the occupation and respecting the right of peoples to self-determination. For decades, these references formed the political and legal basis for what later became known as the two-state solution, which came as a proposal from the international community on the June 4th borders, knowing that the 1948 Nakba is alive in the national memory, with displacement operations and the resulting refugee crisis and seizure of land. By accepting the two-state solution, the Palestine Liberation Organization expresses its intention and desire for a peaceful solution by accepting the right to self-determination for two states, considering it the most internationally accepted formula for achieving security and peace for both Palestinians and Israelis. However, this solution today faces the most serious test in its history, not only due to the absence of political initiatives, but also due to the facts imposed daily on the ground and due to the continuous settlement policy that undermines the solution geopolitically without accountability. Between outposts, military checkpoints, walls, bypass roads, settlement expansion, and media, a reality is being entrenched that directly contradicts the foundations upon which the two-state solution was built. We witness a continuous attempt to impose sovereignty by force on land over which international law does not recognize Israeli sovereignty. Hence, it is necessary to pause at the issue of settlements, which has become the core of the crisis, not its margin. The problem lies not only in the acts of violence committed by some settlers, despite their seriousness, but in the entire settlement project. Imposing sanctions on so-called “violent settlers” does not address the root of the problem, because Security Council Resolution 2334 was clear when it affirmed that all Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem, have no legal legitimacy and constitute a flagrant violation of international law. Therefore, any serious talk about peace must begin with recognizing this legal fact. The two-state solution cannot be protected while the land on which the future Palestinian state is supposed to be established is being undermined. Nor can the international community demand that Palestinians believe in a political solution while policies of de facto annexation, settlement, and changing the demographic and geographic reality on the ground continue, while Israel remains unpunished. This year's anniversary of the Naksa carries a more painful dimension. Gaza is still suffering under genocide, targeting, displacement, mass exodus, and unprecedented humanitarian collapse. While the world is preoccupied with multiple crises, more than two million Palestinians are living a reality that should not become normal, acceptable, or familiar in the conscience of humanity. It is not normal for children to spend long months in tents or among the rubble of their homes. It is not normal for humanitarian aid to become a tool for pressure or bargaining. It is not normal for schools, hospitals, universities, and civilian infrastructure to be targeted in a way that makes life itself under constant threat. More dangerous than all of this are temporary solutions, Israel's seizure of land, and attempts to normalize this reality and deal with it as a normal or transitional matter, because past experiences have taught us that temporary solutions turn into a status quo under occupation. Palestinians demand what any people in the world demand: freedom, dignity, security, and peace. The Palestinian is not against peace; rather, their long suffering makes them more aware of the value of true peace. But peace cannot be imposed through military force, nor through displacement, nor through endless conflict management. Sustainable peace begins with justice, begins with ending the occupation, and begins with mutual recognition of legitimate national rights. In this context, Gaza is not just a humanitarian issue, but a political and strategic issue related to the future of the entire region. Gaza is not a separate file from the West Bank, nor is it a temporary relief issue, but an integral part of the Palestinian land on which the independent Palestinian state is supposed to be established. Any vision that deals with Gaza in isolation from the West Bank and East Jerusalem contributes to entrenching division and weakening the chances of peace. Here lies the Palestinian responsibility to represent the Palestinian people within a unified and inclusive framework under the umbrella of the Palestine Liberation Organization. The majority of the world's countries have recognized the State of Palestine, and the International Court of Justice, in its recent advisory opinion, affirmed the illegality of the continued Israeli occupation and the necessity of ending it. But recognitions, statements, and UN resolutions are no longer enough. What is required today is to move from expressing concern, verbal and civilized statements, excuses, and justifications for the situation to implementing international law and holding accountable those who violate it without exception or selectivity, because continued impunity not only threatens Palestinian rights but also undermines the credibility of the international system itself. Fifty-nine years after the Naksa, ending the occupation is not just a Palestinian demand, but a necessity for achieving regional stability and international security. Without ending the occupation and settlements, and preserving the unity of Palestinian land between Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, the two-state solution will remain merely a political slogan that moves further and further away from reality. If the world wants to save peace and the two-state solution, it must first save justice, because peace is not built on force, nor on occupation, nor on settlements and criminality, but on recognition and respect for the rights of peoples to self-determination, ending occupation and colonialism, and ensuring the enforcement of laws without selectivity.

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The Naksa after 59 years and the two-state solution

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