The Israeli political arena witnessed a dramatic shift with the announcement by former prime ministers, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, of the launch of a new electoral alliance under the name 'Together We Win'. This move comes at a sensitive time, aiming to reorder the opposition's cards and form a united front capable of ending Benjamin Netanyahu's dominance in power.
Observers described this alliance as a 'political marriage' necessitated by circumstances, as both parties seek to bridge gaps in their popularity and confront the continuous rise of other competitors within the same camp. Through this step, Bennett aims to present himself as a right-wing leader acceptable to the center and left, thereby facilitating the attraction of undecided voters.
In his first statements following the alliance, Naftali Bennett affirmed his commitment to his right-wing identity and his rejection of relying on Arab parties to form any future government. He also stressed that his top priority would be holding those responsible for security failures accountable, pledging to form an official investigation committee into the events of October 7 immediately upon taking office.
For his part, Yair Lapid considered standing with Bennett a necessary step to rectify what he described as the deviation in the path of the Hebrew state. Lapid indicated in closed-door discussions that toppling Netanyahu requires presenting a figure with a right-wing background, which explains his concession of leadership of the list to his former partner in the 'government of change'.
Despite the momentum generated by the announcement, initial opinion polls conducted by media sources showed that the new alliance might lose four seats compared to the strength of the two parties individually. The biggest beneficiary of this decline appears to be General Gadi Eisenkot, whom a segment of voters sees as a more stable alternative with a clearer political vision.
Analyses suggest that one of the unannounced goals of the alliance is to exert intense pressure on Eisenkot to force him to join the list and accept Bennett's leadership. However, Eisenkot remains silent about his final position, content with blessing the move without making any commitments to join this new bloc.
Bennett and Lapid also seek to dispel the fears of anti-Netanyahu voters who dread a repeat of the 'Gantz scenario', where some fear Bennett's return to an alliance with the Likud after the elections. Lapid's presence in the alliance, with his firm rejection of sitting with Netanyahu, serves as a safety valve for this concerned segment of the public.
On the ruling right-wing camp, this alliance raises questions about the reaction of the far-right parties led by Ben Gvir and Smotrich. It is probable that this rapprochement in the opposition will push the current coalition parties to strengthen their technical unity to prevent wasted votes and ensure their continued hold on power.
Within the Palestinian interior, the alliance sparked mixed reactions among political leaders in the 48 territories, with MP Ahmad Tibi considering the move expected. Tibi affirmed that this development necessitates accelerating the rebuilding of the Joint List to ensure strong and influential Arab representation in the next Knesset.
In turn, Sami Abu Shehadeh launched a scathing attack on Bennett's discourse, describing it as extremist and dangerous towards the Arab community and its rights. Abu Shehadeh believed that betting on change from within the Zionist camp is a losing bet, emphasizing that Arab unity is the only way to reclaim rights and confront marginalization policies.
Experts believe that the success of this alliance depends on its ability to present a convincing 'shadow government' to the Israeli public, which is looking for charisma and experience. Netanyahu, despite all crises, still maintains the image of a 'magician' and an experienced leader in the eyes of a wide segment of Israelis, which makes the task difficult for the duo Bennett and Lapid.
The results of the ongoing war on the Gaza and Lebanon fronts play a crucial role in determining the fate of these alliances and Netanyahu's political future. If the military bleeding continues without achieving clear objectives, popular pressure could topple the current government before the scheduled elections, giving the opposition a golden opportunity.
Questions also arise about Netanyahu's health and its impact on the scene, with some believing that the recent revelation of his illness may pave the way for a tactical withdrawal. Should Netanyahu decide to resign, the political map would witness an earthquake that could reshuffle the cards away from the current 'Bennett-Lapid' alliance calculations.
Ultimately, the 'Together We Win' alliance will remain under scrutiny in the coming months, awaiting the outcome of field and political developments. This bloc will have to prove its ability to overcome the ideological contradictions between liberal secularism and religious Zionist right-wing to convince voters of its leadership capabilities.
On my first day as prime minister, we will form an official investigation committee into the events of October 7.





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'Bennett-Lapid' Alliance Redraws Israeli Opposition Map to Topple Netanyahu