Amir Makhoul: The Israeli military situation is the best today, and Netanyahu is trying to accelerate the establishment of facts on the ground.

Dr. Ali Al-Awar: Hamas's rejection of Steve Witkoff's plan in the Doha negotiations contributed to providing Netanyahu with the opportunity to resume the war.

Mohsen Abu Ramadan: Hamas is in a difficult situation, and Netanyahu is seeking to exploit this politically to convince the street that he has achieved an "absolute victory."

Dr. Abdul Majeed Sweilem: This escalation has nothing to do with the negotiations reaching a dead end, nor is it linked to Hamas's reaction to the latest proposals.

Talal Okal: Israeli policy focuses more on the West Bank, while the Gaza Strip is a marginal area for the Zionist project.

Hamas has been pursuing a strict policy of restraint in the face of the barbaric attacks and mass massacres perpetrated by the occupying power against Palestinian civilians since it resumed its war of extermination in the Gaza Strip on Tuesday, March 18. This is in an effort to send a message to the international community and the US administration that it is interested in stopping the fighting and not in escalating it, thereby halting the atrocities perpetrated against innocent civilians, especially women and children.

With the exception of a salvo of rockets targeting central Israel, there were no ground attacks on the occupying forces advancing into the Gaza Strip, as was the case during the first fifteen months of the war. This appears to be aimed at keeping the door open for negotiations and contacts to return to the ceasefire and enter into a political process that would guarantee an end to the war and spare the people of the Gaza Strip further suffering.

Writers and analysts who spoke to Al-Quds believe that Hamas is now in a difficult position, and Netanyahu is seeking to exploit this politically to convince the street that he has achieved an "absolute victory." They also believe that this escalation has nothing to do with the deadlock in negotiations, nor is it linked to Hamas's response to recent proposals.

Negotiations have not yet reached a dead end.

Amir Makhoul, a researcher at the Progress Center for Policy Studies, said that the negotiations have not yet reached a dead end, adding, "There are those who clearly want to obstruct them, and Netanyahu represents this trend—as a position, as an interest, and as a vision—and not because of the existence of insurmountable problems."

He pointed out that the mediators are playing an excellent and very successful role. Furthermore, the United States and the Trump administration are ultimately concerned, in one way or another, with the continuation of the deal, based on their own priorities, and not on any other consideration. A certain degree of tension or disparity in positions has begun to emerge between the Trump administration and Netanyahu.

Makhoul believes that Netanyahu is trying to accelerate the establishment of facts on the ground, and this is true. He also believes that Hamas is on its way to extinction.

He believes that the Israeli military situation today is the best—not strategically in the broad sense of outcomes, but militarily. The Israeli situation is the best in terms of the complete absence of any support front, the total lack of unity across the arenas, and Iran's declaration that it has no proxies in the region. All of this puts matters in a different context and allows Israel greater freedom of movement. This is what we see in Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank, and Gaza.

Hamas's possible options

Makhoul believes that Hamas currently has few options. It must either adopt, not only formally, but actually, the outcomes of the Arab Summit and submit to the Arab position, a position that has, so far, and since the summit's preparations, been effective and unified. It has succeeded in curbing the Trump administration's displacement project.

Of course, Israel will not abandon this project, but at least it has been curbed at the American level at this stage. A viable, practical alternative has also been proposed: a reconstruction project, with Gaza remaining under the control of an interim authority until its improved transfer to the Palestinian Authority.

Makhoul added, "All of this is happening now, and it seems that things are becoming clearer for Palestinians. This is what we sense in the tone of the Palestinian street, especially in Gaza, where people feel no protection whatsoever, not even the most basic forms of reassurance. There is nothing to boost their morale or give them hope that the situation will improve."

In order to save Palestine and its people from the war of extermination

Makhoul believes that the movement currently at a dead end is Hamas. Its only option is to submit. This is no longer solely an American and Israeli position, as it was initially, but has now become an Arab position as well. This position is not aimed at liquidating the Palestinian cause, as Netanyahu wants, but rather, on the contrary, to save Palestine and its people from a war of extermination.

He explained that the prisoners' card is a very powerful one, but it does not protect the Palestinian people, nor does it protect Hamas, and it does not have the capacity to do so. In contrast, Israeli capabilities have developed at this stage, as we see in the precision of the targeted killings and the operations targeting the leadership.

Makhoul said, "Militarily, Hamas has no Palestinian option at the present time. He pointed out that the idea of relinquishing power must be seriously considered, and that transforming into a political party could be the solution. This proposal has even been accepted to a certain extent by the United States.

At the end of his interview with Al-Quds, Makhoul believes this is a good opportunity, especially with the Arab regimes accepting the idea of administering Gaza under Arab-Egyptian-international supervision. This is the key to saving the Palestinian people in Gaza.

internal Israeli political calculations

For his part, Dr. Ali Al-Awar, a specialist in regional and international conflicts, said that Netanyahu's decision to return to war on Gaza, continue the fighting, and subsequently intensify the violent aerial bombardment, was the result of domestic political calculations.

He added, "On the instructions of Netanyahu and his Defense Minister, Israel Katz, orders were given to the Israeli Air Force to bomb Gaza and kill hundreds of civilians, most of them children and women, as Israeli military statements boasted, and the Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper also boasted about this act."

Al-Awar explained that Netanyahu's decision was motivated by the need to preserve his government, especially in light of the budget crisis. He thus offered a political gift to Itamar Ben-Gvir, ensuring his continued rule in the government, even if the price was the killing of hundreds of Palestinians.

He emphasized that Netanyahu's political and security calculations were the primary motivation behind the military escalation in Gaza, particularly in light of the legal crises he faces, including the ongoing investigations against him and the dismissal of security officials such as Ronen Bar.

Al-Awar asked, "Who will stop this aggression? Who will stop this brutality, killing, and destruction in Gaza?" He noted that Hamas must carefully read the Palestinian landscape and provide clear answers to the Palestinian people about why it has allowed Netanyahu to return to fighting.

He explained that the decision to go to war was not Hamas's, but rather came with a green light from the United States, driven by Netanyahu's internal political crises.

Hamas continues the same approach

However, he also believed that Hamas's rejection of the plan by Steve Witkoff, the US representative to the Doha negotiations, contributed to providing Netanyahu with the opportunity to resume the war.

Al-Awar emphasized that Hamas's continued approach will not guarantee its continued political presence or survival, given the ongoing Palestinian bloodshed. He therefore called on Hamas to change its strategies and priorities in negotiations and respond to the Egyptian initiative, which stipulates the return of all Israeli prisoners in exchange for a ceasefire, the entry of humanitarian aid into Gaza, and the release of Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails.

He pointed out that approval of this Egyptian paper would not mean Hamas' surrender, but would contribute to halting the killing and destruction of the Palestinian people.

Regarding the disarmament of the resistance and Hamas's political future, Al-Awar believed that the movement should transform into a Palestinian political party that recognizes international legitimacy and UN resolutions and enters into a political partnership with the Palestinian Authority to govern Gaza in the post-war phase.

Al-Awar concluded his remarks to Al-Quds by saying, "If Hamas wants to maintain its political presence, it must change its strategies and officially announce its transformation into a political faction that participates in governance within the framework of a national partnership with the Palestinian Authority, and return to the negotiating table, while preserving Palestinian national principles."

The issue goes beyond Netanyahu's personal calculations.

In turn, writer and political analyst Mohsen Abu Ramadan said that political analysts have two perspectives regarding the large-scale Israeli military operation that the Netanyahu government decided to resume about a week ago.

The first scenario sees the decision as tied to Netanyahu's internal calculations, particularly in light of his conflict with the security establishment following the dismissal of Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar and the attorney general. By resuming the offensive, Netanyahu seeks to absorb popular protests and gain the support of Itamar Ben-Gvir to pass the budget. This would ensure the stability of his government and serve his personal interests, particularly in the face of the corruption cases that dog him and the October 7 case, from which he is attempting to exonerate himself by dismissing a number of security and military officials.

The second view holds that the issue transcends Netanyahu's personal calculations and encompasses the implementation of the Zionist expansionist settlement project, based on substitution and replacement, and supported by Talmudic and biblical ideas. Abu Ramadan emphasized his inclination toward this analysis, as Netanyahu is exploiting domestic factors to implement this project, taking advantage of the Israeli right's reaction to former US President Donald Trump's proposal to displace Palestinians from Gaza and transform it into the "Singapore of the Middle East."

Israeli ambitions for Gaza gas

He pointed out that the Gaza Strip boasts vast reserves of gas, such as the Marine 1 and Marine 2 fields, along with plans for tourism projects on its coast. This could be one of the motivations behind the full-scale military occupation, which Netanyahu has repeatedly emphasized his rejection of the continuation of "Hamasstan" or "Fatahstan," and his efforts to thwart the Egyptian-Arab plan to rebuild the Strip without displacing its population.

Abu Ramadan considered recent developments, including statements by Israeli Defense Minister Yisrael Katz calling on Gaza residents to "voluntarily leave," a clear indication of the occupation's intention to impose military rule over the Strip. He also pointed to Petkov's statements regarding the eradication of Hamas from the military and administrative landscape, which justifies the continuation of the aggression.

He added that there are Israeli moves to push Palestinians to emigrate, whether through Ramon Airport or the Ashdod Port, where 70 Palestinians with dual nationality were deported twice. He also noted attempts to communicate with the unrecognized "Republic of Somaliland" to absorb Palestinian migrants in exchange for Tel Aviv's recognition of the territory. Israel is also considering deporting Palestinians to areas it controls in Syria and Lebanon.

Abu Ramadan emphasized that Hamas is in a difficult situation, especially after its leaders were targeted, a situation Netanyahu is seeking to exploit politically to convince the Israeli public that he has achieved an "absolute victory" by eradicating Hamas.

Netanyahu does not care about the fate of the detainees in Gaza.

He explained that the Israeli Prime Minister does not care about the fate of Israeli detainees held by the resistance, and is focused on achieving strategic goals related to the Zionist project, namely the expulsion of Palestinians and the restoration of colonial control over Gaza.

He pointed out that Netanyahu is strengthening his control over the state's institutions, transforming Israel into a "state of personal loyalty," devoid of institutions and law, amid the accelerating shift toward the fascist right. He considered that the continued aggression is linked not only to Hamas's refusal to release prisoners, but also to continued American and Israeli support for entrenching the occupation.

Abu Ramadan concluded by saying that the situation is now beyond the Palestinians' control and depends on international and Arab will, which can leverage leverage to halt the Israeli onslaught, such as the investment-for-ending-the-aggression equation.

He added that the Palestinian Authority also faces the threat of disintegration through the "isolated enclaves and cantons" plan, as Israel embarks on a strategic offensive to liquidate the Palestinian cause existentially and politically.

Causes are much deeper than internal factors.

For his part, writer and political researcher Dr. Abdul Majeed Sweilem asserted that the negotiations have not yet reached a dead end, and may eventually do so. However, he continues to believe that this escalation has nothing to do with whether the road has reached a dead end or not, nor is it related to Hamas's response to the series of proposals recently put forward.

He said, "If we want to judge the attempt to renew the war, we must realize that it has its own internal Israeli causes, first and foremost, and that there are reasons that may be much deeper than these internal factors. In other words, we may have gone beyond the internal Israeli causes for renewing the war, towards crystallizing American-Israeli convictions that Hamas has been weakened, and that it is possible to complete the military operation despite all the problems that may result from it."

Removing Hamas from the political scene

Suwailem explained that the issue is not whether the road is deadlocked or not, adding: We must wait a few days before we judge the equation of renewing the war, and whether it is still governed by ceilings linked to direct Israeli domestic politics, or whether the issue has been resolved in another direction, which is the completion of a process aimed at “removing Hamas from the political scene,” and perhaps achieving its disarmament at an advanced stage of this Israeli attack, which is fully supported by America, and in a manner that is public, blatant, and unprecedented.

On this basis, author Suwailem believes that the issue is not related to the complexities of reaching an agreement, but rather to the broader Israeli strategy of internal issues.

He emphasized that the coming days will be decisive. Either Israel has a plan far greater than mere reactions or attempts to cover up the internal crisis, or the issue is linked to Israel's strategy in the Middle East and the shared Israeli-American belief that there is an opportunity to achieve what they call "absolute victory."

Suwailem concluded his remarks by saying that after waiting three or four days, or perhaps a week, the course of the joint Israeli-American strategy will become clear.

Waiting for the Israeli budget to be passed

Writer Talal Okal said that it would be necessary to wait several days after the Israeli budget is passed, as many estimates indicate that Netanyahu has yielded to pressure from Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, and that his priority was to resume the war on Gaza in order to pass the budget.

Okal believes that after the budget is passed, the situation in Gaza will become clearer, asserting that Israel is occupying the Gaza Strip either by fire or by ground forces.

He added that Israeli policy focuses more on the West Bank, while the Gaza Strip is a very marginal area for the Zionist project unless it is free of threats.

He pointed out that the ongoing conflict is not solely about establishing a Palestinian state or an occupied territory. Rather, the US administration, particularly under President Trump, is moving toward imposing specific choices on the Palestinians: either living in a state of humiliation and slavery, displacement, or murder.

Okal emphasized that the fate of the Gaza Strip will not be separate or isolated from the Israeli plan aimed at resolving the conflict across all of historic Palestine. He also emphasized that Hamas is not willing to accept Israeli-American conditions and will adhere to its positions and adopt a firm stance.

Hamas avoids escalation

He explained that since the beginning of the recent campaign against the Gaza Strip, Hamas has not escalated its operations on the ground, as a tactical measure to convince people that it is avoiding escalation to preserve their safety and ensure they receive humanitarian aid.

But he expected that field operations would be activated later, as Hamas had no choice but to persevere and resist.

In his view, Netanyahu may be forced to acquiesce to certain conditions, as the internal situation in Israel is no longer limited to the hostage crisis, but rather encompasses a political divide that could slide into civil war.

He explained that Netanyahu is exploiting the current situation to implement his domestic agenda and eliminate all remnants of democracy, moving toward dictatorship.

Awkal concluded by saying that Netanyahu may attempt to ease the internal crisis by reaching an agreement to end the prisoner issue, but he believes that even if this issue is resolved, it will not be the end of the story, as the next war could engulf the entire region.