Dr. Ahmed Rafiq Awad: The decisions come within the framework of preparing for a new political phase that requires radical changes to keep pace with regional and international transformations

Muhammad Joda: The President’s decisions place us before transformations in the political scene that may redraw the map of Fatah’s leadership and the organization

Dr. Raed Al-Dabai: Unifying Fatah is a necessity to enhance its role and restore its cohesion in light of the challenges it has faced over the past two decades

Khalil Shaheen: Real reform must include restructuring the organization and the authority and holding elections for the Palestinians to choose their leaders

Dr. Qusay Hamed: The real test of the president’s decisions lies in their implementation through actual movement towards structural reforms and internal reconciliation

The new decisions announced by President Mahmoud Abbas during the Arab Summit in Cairo, to create the position of Deputy Chairman of the PLO and President of the State of Palestine, in addition to a general amnesty for those dismissed from the Fatah movement, come in light of the Israeli war in the Palestinian territories, and in light of rapid regional changes, which raises questions about whether the decisions will shape the features of the next stage or not?

In separate interviews with “I”, writers, political analysts and university professors believe that these steps come at a time when the Palestinian Authority is facing major challenges, both internally and externally. These decisions also have political dimensions that go beyond the internal Palestinian affair, as they came after international and Arab pressures demanding reforms in the institutions of the Palestinian Authority and the PLO.

They believe that these changes lack national consensus and may cause internal disputes, especially in light of the absence of clear mechanisms for their implementation.

They point out that with the appointment of a vice president and the reinstatement of some of those dismissed from the Fatah movement, questions are raised about the extent to which these decisions will affect the Palestinian political scene, and whether they will contribute to achieving internal reconciliation, or will they increase the intensity of the conflicts within the Fatah movement and the PLO, stressing that the answer to these questions will become clear with the developments of the next stage and the extent of the Palestinian leadership’s ability to implement actual reforms that keep pace with regional and international changes.

In response to Palestinian, Arab and international demands

Writer and political analyst Dr. Ahmed Rafiq Awad confirms that President Mahmoud Abbas’s decisions regarding the appointment of a deputy chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and president of the State of Palestine and the reinstatement of those dismissed from the Fatah movement come in response to Palestinian, Arab and international demands aimed at reforming and developing the Palestinian political structure.

Awad explains that these steps come after 30 years of the Palestinian Authority’s experience, which witnessed profound political transformations, multiple efforts, and external influences, which led to the emergence of political and organizational phenomena that require a comprehensive review.

Awad points out that the lack of political life, the Palestinian division, and foreign interventions, in addition to the transition from the stage of revolution to the management of a civil society, are all factors that imposed major challenges on the structure of the authority and the PLO, which made reform an urgent demand in all Palestinian meetings, whether within the National Council, the Central Council, or the Revolutionary Council of the Fatah movement.

Awad asserts that President Abbas’s announcement of these reforms during the extraordinary Arab summit reflects the leadership’s awareness of the magnitude of regional and international challenges, and the necessity of renewing blood within the Authority’s institutions, including changing faces, developing political and administrative performance, and creating a major shift in the structure of Palestinian governance, in order to enhance response to the requirements of the current reality.

Awad points out that the Authority finds itself today facing extremely dangerous transformations, in light of the escalation of political, security and economic challenges, which requires it to confront these changes with bold decisions that achieve Palestinian, Arab and international demands.

Awad explains that there are clear demands from the international community and the Arab world for the necessity of reforming the Palestinian Authority and the PLO, ensuring that governance is managed in a transparent and fair manner, and restructuring its institutions to ensure good governance, in addition to meeting new political and security requirements.

Awad points out that President Abbas decided to appoint a deputy for him, and to reinstate those dismissed from the Fatah movement, in addition to administrative, financial and judicial reforms, as part of preparations for a new political phase that requires radical changes to keep pace with regional and international transformations.

Awad points out that the timing of this decision is extremely important, as these steps come at a critical moment when the Palestinian Authority finds itself at a crossroads: either to continue and survive by adapting to the changes, or to face the risk of marginalization and encroachment.

Awad explains that there are Israeli voices calling for bypassing the Palestinian Authority and removing it from the political scene, which makes the need to enhance its credibility and reliability more urgent than ever to confront any dangers.

Regarding the return of those dismissed from the Fatah movement, Awad explains that this step may benefit the movement, considering that these dismissed individuals are part of the Fatah fabric, and have organizational capabilities and political relationships that can enhance Fatah’s position in the Palestinian scene.

Awad believes that President Abbas's decisions reflect a serious attempt to restructure the Palestinian political system and keep pace with the rapid changes, in a way that ensures the continuity of the authority and strengthens its position in the regional and international scenes.

The decisions came within a complex political and economic context.

Writer and political analyst Muhammad Joda asserts that President Mahmoud Abbas’ announcement of the creation of the position of Vice President of the PLO and President of the State of Palestine, in addition to issuing an amnesty for those dismissed from the Fatah movement, represents an important step despite its delay, pointing out that these decisions came within a complex political and economic context.

Joudeh explains that creating the position of Deputy Chairman of the PLO must be part of a comprehensive reform of the organization, through holding elections for the National and Central Councils, and selecting members of the Executive Committee on the basis of proportional representation of all Palestinian factions, including the inclusion of Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

Joda believes that the importance of this step lies in the fact that it may pave the way for the return of leader Mohammed Dahlan to the official Palestinian political scene, to play an important role, a development that may have major repercussions in the coming stage.

Joudeh points out that the decision to create the position of Deputy Chairman of the PLO and President of the State of Palestine came after pressures and consultations conducted by the leadership of the Authority with the World Bank, which demanded the implementation of financial and administrative reforms to confront the economic crisis that the Palestinian Authority is suffering from, in order to continue the flow of international aid, especially in light of the growing warnings of a possible financial collapse for the Authority.

Joda believes that the importance of President Abbas' decision comes in light of the sensitive circumstances that the Palestinian cause is going through, especially the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, and the threat of displacing its residents, in addition to the ongoing aggression on the West Bank, in light of the fact that the Palestinian Authority is facing increasing political isolation, especially after the escalation of Arab and international criticism of its performance, describing it as weak and flabby.

He points out that the Palestinian Authority has lost its security and military capabilities in the West Bank, without having real tools to protect Palestinians from attacks by settlers and the Israeli army.

Joda points out that President Abbas is well aware that the popular base of the Fatah movement in the Gaza Strip largely follows the leader Mohammed Dahlan, and therefore any role for the authority in Gaza after the end of the war cannot be achieved without understandings and real reconciliation with Dahlan and his faction.

Joudah did not rule out the existence of Arab pressure from Egypt, the Emirates and Saudi Arabia on President Abbas and the leadership of the Fatah movement, to push them towards reconciliation with the Dahlan faction, with the aim of reuniting the movement to confront the Hamas movement, whose power was strengthened by the recent Israeli war, in addition to supporting the Palestinian Authority to manage the Gaza Strip in the future.

Jodeh believes that this decision was not taken in accordance with the organizational protocol followed within the Fatah movement, as it was not put up for discussion within the movement’s central committee, which indicates that the decision to dismiss a number of Fatah leaders in the past was not an organizational decision unanimously adopted by the movement.

Joda points out that this step may lead to sharp criticism within the ranks and leadership of Fatah, especially since the decision was not presented to the movement's frameworks to be taken by consensus.

Joda stressed that the return of the dismissed requires a radical reform within the movement, and the reorganization of the elections for its ninth conference, to choose a new leadership, especially after the exclusion of leaders from Dahlan’s faction.

He wondered whether the dismissed individuals would accept to return in this manner, without respecting the movement’s internal regulations and without reviewing the measures taken against them over more than 14 years. He also wondered about the real charges against them, which were the basis for the decisions to dismiss them from the movement.

Joda believes that these decisions, despite their importance, open the door to major transformations in the Palestinian political scene, amid internal complications and external pressures that may redraw the map of the leadership of the Palestinian Authority and the Fatah movement during the next stage.

Unsurprising decisions...and various complications

The Head of the Political Science Department at An-Najah National University, Dr. Raed Al-Dabai, explains that the Fatah movement, since assuming leadership of the PLO in 1969, has constituted a strategic turning point in the Palestinian political and social scene, as its influence extended beyond its internal framework, to become a symbol of the contemporary national struggle and a fundamental component in formulating foreign policies and regional and international relations for the Palestinian cause.

Al-Dabai points out that the Fatah movement played a pivotal role in determining the future of the Palestinian people and the stability of the entire region, through its struggle in several arenas, as a result of the necessities of the stage and the requirements of the struggle, whether during the stage of presence in the arenas of Jordan, Lebanon, Tunisia and Syria, or through the presence of military bases for the Palestinian revolutionary forces in several countries such as Iraq, Yemen, Egypt and Libya.

Al-Dabai stresses that President Mahmoud Abbas's decision to unify the Fatah house comes as a national and regional necessity to strengthen the movement's steadfastness and restore the cohesion of its ranks in light of a noticeable decline over the past two decades.

Al-Dabai points out that recent years have witnessed cases of internal division and chaos, manifested in the inability to form a unified electoral list during the postponed legislative elections in 2021 and the local elections in 2022, which led to the decision to dismiss a number of leaders and cadres - some of whom are members of the movement's Revolutionary and Advisory Councils, and some of whom spent long years in the occupation's prisons - which increased the state of chaos instead of strengthening internal ties.

Al-Dabai believes that the decision to unify the movement is not a surprise to its cadres, as the Revolutionary Council had approved the formation of committees to recommend the return of those against whom previous decisions had been taken, although the mechanisms and procedures for this return still carry a lot of ambiguity.

According to Al-Dabai, questions are being raised about the conditions for return that were previously raised, which created a state of internal controversy and exacerbated matters instead of resolving them, especially those related to the absence of criminal cases against those dismissed, or the necessity for those against whom a decision was made to submit individual written petitions to the movement’s leadership about their desire to return and their commitment to its leadership’s decisions in the future, and whether those conditions will further complicate the actual implementation of the decision.

Al-Dabai points out that the administrative and political complexities increase with the issue of appointing a deputy to the PLO and the PNA, which raises questions about the nature of this appointment: Will it be for one person or two? What are the legal procedures and internal mechanisms (whether through consensus or voting within the Central Committee or the Revolutionary Council) or through amending the PLO’s internal regulations, and the legal procedures that this entails, that will determine the fate of this appointment?

Al-Dabai explains that the actual choice will be within the Fatah movement, while the Executive Committee of the PLO will adopt what the movement agrees upon. However, this agreement may face various complications related to the multiplicity of aspirants, internal balance equations, and internal tensions within the Fatah movement, especially in light of internal, regional, and international pressures.

Al-Dabai stresses that the role of regional and international will cannot be ignored, as the president’s announcement of these decisions during the Arab Summit is a clear indication that these decisions come as part of the interaction with Arab and Western demands to reform the Palestinian political system and democratize its institutions.

Decisions lack national consensus and required reform

Writer and political analyst Khalil Shaheen asserts that the creation of the position of Vice President of the PLO and Vice President of the State of Palestine could have had significant significance if it had come from a pure Palestinian will and national consensus on a series of reforms, and a review of the structure of the PLO and the Palestinian Authority, and the mechanism of political, economic and social decision-making in general. However, this step, which came in response to external pressures, appears fragmented and does not meet the organization’s need for fundamental reform that goes beyond merely appointing a Vice President.

Shaheen explains that the Palestine Liberation Organization suffers from a major defect in its representation of the Palestinian people, as its structures and departments have eroded over time, and its representative status has declined.

It indicates a lack of representation of effective and essential forces in the Palestinian political map, such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad, in addition to the absence of other components of civil society, independents and youth.

Shaheen stresses that the required reform goes beyond a small issue such as appointing a vice president, especially since this position is largely formal.

Shaheen explains that the appointment of a deputy chairman of the PLO can be done through different procedures than the appointment of a deputy chairman of the Authority. In the second case, amendments must be made to the Palestinian Basic Law, especially with regard to the powers of both the president and his deputy.

Shaheen points out that President Mahmoud Abbas had previously taken a decision to assign the head of the Palestinian National Council, Rawhi Fattouh, to fill the vacuum created by the president’s absence from the political scene, for a transitional period of ninety days, until elections are held.

Shaheen points out that appointing a vice president nullifies this decision, as the vice president will assume the duties of the president in his absence.

Shaheen believes that one possible scenario is that the president will amend the decision regarding the National Council Speaker, to expand his powers and make him vice president during his lifetime, and assume the duties of the president during the transitional period in the event of his absence from the political scene, whether due to death, disability, or otherwise.

Shaheen points out that Rawhi Fattouh has the advantage of being from the Gaza Strip, which makes him a suitable candidate for the position of vice president.

Shaheen stresses that the appointment of a vice president, although an important step, is not of great importance in bringing about radical reforms, as long as there is no electoral process that enables the Palestinians to exercise their right to choose their leaders, whether the president, the vice president, or the members of the absent legislative council.

Shaheen points out that the essence of the issue remains related to the decision-making mechanism, which is concentrated in the hands of the president, even if there is a vice president, especially in light of the absence of the legislative council and the lack of accountability or oversight of presidential decisions.

Shaheen stresses that the steps to create positions at the level of vice president require national consensus, and not just consensus within the Fatah movement, especially if it concerns the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Shaheen points out that there is talk about the possibility of calling the Central Council to meet during this month, where the president may seek through this meeting to legitimize the step of creating the position of vice president.

Regarding the issue of pardoning those dismissed from the Fatah movement, Shaheen points out that there is surprise at the use of the word “pardon,” which suggests that those dismissed committed crimes that require pardon.

Shaheen explains that President Abbas announced this issue at the Arab Summit, without clarifying what amnesty for the dismissed employees means, especially since they are members of a political party and not government employees.

Shaheen asserts that the measures taken against some of the dismissed individuals, such as Mohammed Dahlan and Nasser al-Qudwa, were decisions taken by Fatah’s leadership bodies, such as the Revolutionary Council and the Central Committee, and that excluding these bodies from reviewing or reversing these decisions gives a negative indication of the continuation of the state of monopoly in decision-making and marginalization of institutions.

Shaheen points out that the return of the dismissed to the Fatah movement raises questions about how to deal with this matter, especially with regard to the return of some leaders, such as Mohammed Dahlan and Nasser al-Qudwa, to their previous positions.

Shaheen explains that Dahlan may not think about returning to the movement, while Nasser al-Qudwa may refuse to return in the form of a pardon, especially since there are no criminal cases against him.

Shaheen points out that some cadres of the Reform Movement, affiliated with Dahlan, may try to benefit from the decision and return to the movement, especially if they return to their previous movement or government positions.

Shaheen confirms that the Fatah movement is heading towards important changes in the coming period, not only because of the possibility of the return of those dismissed, but also because of the release of dozens of movement cadres from Israeli occupation prisons, including well-known leaders such as Marwan Barghouti.

Shaheen points out that the Fatah movement's move to hold internal elections may bring about changes in the movement's leadership structure, especially with the presence of large numbers of liberated leaders and cadres, even if they are outside the country.

Shaheen points out that President Abbas's recent decisions, although aimed at meeting external pressures, lack national consensus and the required fundamental reform.

Shaheen stresses that real reform must include restructuring the PLO and the Palestinian Authority, and holding legislative and presidential elections, to enable Palestinians to choose their leaders democratically.

An important and necessary step...but it is late

Professor of Political Science at Al-Quds Open University, Dr. Qusay Hamed, confirms that President Mahmoud Abbas’s decision to create the position of Vice President of the PLO and President of the State of Palestine, in addition to pardoning those dismissed from the Fatah movement, is an important but overdue step, noting that the need for these decisions has existed for years, but their timing now carries political dimensions that go beyond the internal dimension.

Hamed explains that the real test of President Mahmoud Abbas's decisions lies in the "day after" and their practical implementation on the ground, and whether the Fatah leadership will actually move towards structural reforms, uniting the movement, and ending the state of fragmentation it suffers from.

Hamed considers the appointment of a deputy president of the organization and president of the State of Palestine to be an important development, despite the need for legal amendments regarding the creation of the position in the organization’s structure and clarifying the mechanism for selecting or electing him. However, it is a necessary step towards resolving the controversy over the future of the organization’s leadership in the event that the position of president becomes vacant, which was a matter that was strongly raised in light of the absence of a clear mechanism for the transfer of power within the organization.

Hamed believes that this step comes in response to international and Arab pressures being exerted on the leadership to carry out internal reforms that would enable it to restore its role and strengthen its position before the international community.

Hamed points out that there is great Arab pressure on the Palestinian leadership, especially from Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, with the aim of pushing the Palestinian Authority towards implementing reforms, as well as within the PLO and the Fatah movement, considering that the international community and Arab countries currently view the Palestinian Authority as weak and flabby, and suffering from corruption and favoritism, which makes it unqualified to play a major role in the future of the Gaza Strip after the end of the current Israeli war.

Hamed explains that these reforms are a basic condition for restoring financial and political support from Arab countries, which have frozen their financial aid to the Palestinian Authority in recent months, stipulating the implementation of fundamental internal reforms.

Hamed confirms that this Arab pressure comes within the framework of confronting an Israeli-American plan that aims to displace Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, as the Arab countries see that reviving the role of the Palestinian Authority is necessary to confront these plans.

Regarding the pardon for those dismissed from the Fatah movement, Hamed explains that the decision opens the door to reviving the Fatah movement by injecting new blood into its ranks and reconsidering the decision-making mechanisms within it, which allows for the consolidation of a unified vision that unites its cadres on the basis of Palestinian national unity.

But Hamed warns that these decisions may remain ink on paper if they are not translated into real practical steps, pointing out that the Palestinian leadership has previously been accustomed to making similar decisions without actually implementing them.

Hamed asserts that the Palestinian situation today is threatened in an unprecedented way, perhaps since the 1948 Nakba or the 1967 setback, as the Palestinian cause is being subjected to systematic attempts to dismantle it by the Israeli occupation, which seeks to empty the authority of its content and weaken its role.

Hamed stresses that this stage requires the Palestinian leadership and the leadership of the Fatah movement to overcome their internal differences and work to unify the national ranks to confront the escalating challenges, whether in terms of Arab and international pressures or the occupation’s ongoing plans to impose new facts on the ground.