Amidst the bloodshed and destruction that has befallen the Gaza Strip, the recent “exchange deal” between the resistance and Israel stands out as one of the most complex and controversial deals in the history of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

In separate interviews with "I" dot com, writers and political analysts believe that this deal, which came in the shadow of an unequal war that resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of martyrs and wounded, raises profound questions about the calculations of profit and loss, not only in terms of the number of prisoners released, but also in terms of the nature of the conflict and its future repercussions. While the deal is an unprecedented achievement for the resistance in breaking the conditions of the occupation, the human and material price paid remains the subject of questions about the fairness of the comparison between previous deals and the current reality.

They point out that the current deal is radically different from its predecessors, as this time it took place under the pressure of an unprecedented war of extermination, and while the resistance succeeded in achieving negotiating gains, such as the release of prisoners from categories that Israel had previously refused to negotiate about, the enormous human cost remains a deep wound in the Palestinian memory, pointing out that the deal comes as part of an agreement that was concluded, and is not separate from it.

A large number of martyrs, wounded and destruction

The writer and political analyst Dr. Omar Rahhal confirms that the human and material cost of the wars and deals witnessed by the Palestinian cause, whether the 2025 deal that cost nearly 50 thousand martyrs and thousands of wounded, compared to previous deals such as the Galilee deal in May 1985 that released 1,155 prisoners led by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command, and the Fatah deal in 1982 that released 4,700 prisoners, are things that happen, but for the first time a deal takes place with this large number of martyrs, wounded and destruction.

Rahhal stresses that resistance is legitimate under occupation, and that responsibility for the victims lies with the Israeli occupation, not the resistance that defends its people.

Rahal points out that prisoner release deals have always been part of the Palestinian struggle, but they have never come at a human cost similar to what happened in 2025.

Rahhal explains that the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip is an asymmetric war, as Israel is classified as one of the strongest armies in the world, ranked 18th globally and first in the Middle East, and is a nuclear state supported by the United States, France, Britain, Germany and Italy. In contrast, 2.4 million Palestinians live in the Gaza Strip on an area of no more than 365 square kilometers, noting that the citizens of the Gaza Strip used to live on 40% of the total area of the Strip with a population density that is considered one of the highest in the world.

Rahhal points out that the weapons used by the occupation army in the Israeli wars are lethal weapons with great destructive power and are internationally prohibited, pointing out that the wars that took place between the countries of the world witnessed safe areas and humanitarian corridors, but what happened in Gaza was exceptional as there were no safe or neutral areas, but rather it was the most brutal war, and it revealed a mentality of revenge with racist dimensions, as civilian objects were targeted with direct instructions from the Israeli political and military levels.

Rahhal addresses the events of October 7, stressing that they are not an adventure, but rather part of the liberation struggle witnessed by peoples under occupation.

He points out that liberation movements in the world have always faced bloody and vengeful colonial powers, and that what happened in Gaza is the result of the brutality of the occupation, not the resistance.

Regarding the issue of prisoners, Rahhal confirms that the occupation bears responsibility for detaining prisoners for long periods, such as Muhammad al-Tous, who spent 39 years in captivity, and Karim and Maher Younis, who spent 40 years.

Rahhal points out that the resistance did not expect the war to last for a long time or to be this brutal, especially with the lack of preparedness to secure civilians in Gaza, which is something that must be paid attention to.

Rahhal stresses that the lessons learned from these wars must be taken into consideration, calling for unifying Palestinian efforts and creating a comprehensive political partnership that does not exclude any party.

Fateful decisions must be made collectively.

Rahhal points out that fateful decisions, whether in war or peace, must be taken collectively and not by one party, as happened in the Oslo Accords, in which the Palestinians went to peace without sufficient preparation. Therefore, today, more than ever, we need to strengthen national unity on the basis of full political partnership that does not exclude. This requires the PLO to call for a national rescue conference in which all Palestinians participate to come up with a unified national strategy that defines the features of the national salvation stage and the liberation process.

Rahhal stresses that resistance is legitimate, but the bloody results that occur are the result of the brutality of the occupation, not the resistance.

Rahhal calls for a re-evaluation of the tools and mechanisms that bring the Palestinians closer to achieving their national project, with the necessity of avoiding monopolization in making fateful decisions.

Any comparison between the current deal and previous ones is "unfair."

Writer and political analyst Nihad Abu Ghosh asserts that the current “prisoner exchange deal” between the Palestinian resistance and Israel is not just a traditional exchange, but rather forms part of a broader agreement to stop the war on Gaza, which came in exceptional circumstances of unprecedented military escalation and international bias towards Israel, amidst a global inability to bring in humanitarian aid.

Abu Ghosh explains that any comparison between the current deal and previous agreements is “unfair,” because this deal was carried out under the pressure of “daily massacres” and a “war of extermination” during which Israel dropped more than 90,000 tons of explosives on the Gaza Strip.

Abu Ghosh points out that the world has been unable to bring in “a truckload of medicine, shrouds or food,” and has even failed to transport the wounded, as the current deal is the result of “a huge battle unprecedented in Palestinian and world history since World War II,” stressing that the deal is part of a set of demands included in the agreement regarding a ceasefire in Gaza.

Abu Ghosh asserts that the current agreement includes several main axes: a ceasefire through a “sustainable calm,” the return of the displaced to their homes and the start of reconstruction operations, and the release of Palestinian prisoners, including categories that Israel had previously refused to negotiate over, such as the Jerusalem prisoners, the 1948 prisoners, and those it calls “those with Jewish blood on their hands.”

He points out that this is the first time that the resistance has succeeded in "breaking the Israeli conditions" related to the categories of prisoners, which represents a historical precedent in the negotiation process, as the occupation found a negotiator who adhered to the details, compared to previous agreements that were signed "without reading the details," as he put it.

Abu Ghosh asserts that the deal was the culmination of the resistance’s steadfastness, which “inflicted heavy losses on the occupation until the last moment,” noting that Israel sought to establish a new reality through the “Deal of the Century” and the “Abrahamic Peace,” which transformed the Palestinian issue into an “internal Israeli affair,” but the October 7, 2023 operation, which he describes as “defensive,” brought the issue back to the forefront of the world as a central issue in the Middle East.

Regarding the motives behind the operation, Abu Ghosh denies that it was the result of an “obsessive decision,” but rather considered it a “natural explosion” of 16 years of siege, in which travel, medical treatment, and work were intertwined with the continuous targeting of the return marches, and the prevention of the entry of 290 basic materials, including construction materials and medicines, which created “accumulated congestion” that led to the explosion.

Abu Ghosh warns that the next phase may be “more dangerous than genocide,” referring to the Zionist plans that are being discussed publicly, such as US President Donald Trump’s statements about “deporting Palestinians to Jordan and Egypt,” which he described as a “real tragedy” that threatens the entire Palestinian existence.

Abu Ghosh asserts that these plans are not linked to the results of the current war, but rather are an extension of an extremist Zionist strategy supported by an American administration that is completely biased towards the Israeli right.

Abu Ghosh stresses that the only solution to confront these challenges lies in "unifying the Palestinian ranks," noting that the internal division weakens the Palestinian position, which will lead to strengthening Arab and international solidarity.

Abu Ghosh believes that the war "is not over yet," as Israel is still trying to breach the terms of the agreement, while the Palestinians are preparing to face a fateful stage that includes all possibilities, from liquidating the issue through military force, which requires a unified Palestinian position.

The weaker party must work to exploit its strengths.

Writer and political analyst Daoud Kuttab confirms that the "Ahmed Jibril" operation in 1985 witnessed the release of 1,155 prisoners, and was preceded by the "Fatah" movement deal in which 4,700 prisoners were released, while the 2025 operation shows a huge human and material cost, which raises questions about the calculations of profit and loss in such operations.

Writers believe that the main problem in Operation "Noah's Flood" lies in the lack of control the resistance has when entering Israeli settlements and capturing civilians, especially women and children.

The writers explain that if the operation had been limited to targeting the army and men, the situation would have been less difficult, noting that this does not necessarily mean that Israel would be less fierce in its revenge.

Writers believe that the world will not allow it to act with the same degree of force as it did in previous operations, pointing out that the global media focus today is on the women and children of the Israeli prisoners, which increases international pressure on the Palestinian side.

Writers emphasize that the most important lesson lies in the possibility of demanding that the world and the Israeli side apply international law precisely, while the resistance itself violates it.

Writers point out that the Palestinian side, as the weaker party, must adhere to higher moral and legal standards, given the ability of the stronger party to use the media and politicians to its advantage.

He stresses that the weak party must work to exploit its strengths, which are the legitimacy of resisting the occupation, while avoiding targeting civilians or committing any violations that may weaken its moral and legal position before the international community.

A radical change in the circumstances surrounding exchange transactions

Writer and political analyst Talal Okal believes that the circumstances surrounding Palestinian prisoner release deals have changed radically since the 1980s until today, making it difficult to compare deals such as “Wafa al-Ahrar” or “Al-Aqsa Flood” with the current situation.

Awkal points out that the deal to release more than a thousand Palestinian prisoners in exchange for the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit was completely different from the current situation, as those deals were not the result of large-scale wars as is the case today.

Awkal explains that the calculations of profit and loss in the current war are not limited to the number of prisoners released, but also include the nature of the war and its repercussions on the Palestinian national project.

Awkal stresses that talking about profit and loss, victory and defeat must be linked to understanding the nature of the current stage and the course of the conflict with the Israeli occupation.

Awkal points out that achieving freedom in the face of colonialism of this kind requires paying a heavy price, both materially and morally.

Awkal calls for contemplation of the material and moral losses incurred by the Israeli side, stressing that the extent of the catastrophe that befell the Gaza Strip must be understood within the framework of the major transformations in the conflict between “right and wrong.”

Awkal points out that the conclusions and judgments in this case are not subject to mathematics, but rather to the relationship of numbers to strategic shifts in the conflict.

Israel's declining international image and the cracking of its internal structure

Palestinian writer and political analyst Samer Anabtawi believes that the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, which followed the October 7 attack, was “pre-planned” as part of the occupation’s strategy to liquidate the Palestinian cause through displacement and domination of the West Bank and Jerusalem.

Anbatawi points out that the recent prisoner exchange deal, despite its high bloody price, represents an unprecedented achievement for the Palestinian resistance in breaking the myth of the “invincible army,” in addition to revealing the decline of Israel’s international image and the cracking of its internal structure.

Anbatawi explains that the Israeli aggression on Gaza was not a random response to the events of October 7, but rather came as the culmination of a systematic policy that began with a 16-year siege, which aimed to pave the way for a military strike and create a catastrophic humanitarian reality that would lead to forced displacement, in the context of the Zionist project based on expansion and imposing complete dominance over Palestinian land.

Anbatawi says: “The siege was not a punishment for Hamas, but rather a tool to crush the will of the people of Gaza and dry up their sources of steadfastness, in preparation for a comprehensive military strike that coincided with the escalation of settlement activity in the West Bank and Jerusalem.”

Anbatawi acknowledges that "the price was heavy" due to the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, with thousands of martyrs, wounded and detainees, and unprecedented destruction of infrastructure and buildings. Then came the exchange deal that led to the release of detainees with long sentences and life sentences, but it represents a precedent in the history of the conflict in terms of the number and quality of prisoners.

He says: "The Palestinian arena has not witnessed a deal of this size for decades, especially with the occupation's previous insistence on excluding prisoners serving life sentences."

Anbatawi points out that this deal is different from its predecessors, such as the “Ahmed Jibril” deal (1985), which took place in the context of the Lebanon war, while the resistance in Gaza succeeded by storming the settlements and penetrating the occupation’s security system.

Anbatawi points out that the war on Gaza is not separate from the broader scene in the West Bank, where the far-right Israeli government is accelerating the implementation of Judaization and de facto annexation plans, through intensifying settlements, daily assassinations, and restricting the movement of Palestinians around Al-Aqsa Mosque. He stresses that these measures, in addition to the systematic abuse of prisoners in the occupation’s prisons, represented a spark that led to the explosion of October 7 in response to the policy of “slow genocide.”

Anbatawi asserts that the occupation, despite its enormous military power, has paid a heavy price on several levels, as the fragility of the Israeli security system was exposed with the breach of the “Gaza envelope” lines, and the failure of the military machine to achieve its declared goals of eliminating the resistance. The international isolation of the occupation has also escalated with legal prosecution in the International Criminal Court and international courts, the growth of global boycott movements, the worsening of political and social crises in the occupying state, and the decline in confidence in the army’s ability to protect the settlements.

Anbatawi points out that the continued steadfastness of the people in Gaza despite the destruction, and the ability to achieve political gains and conclude the exchange deal, confirm that the resistance was able to change the equation despite the imbalance of power.

Anbatawi says: “Gaza’s steadfastness broke the might of the Israeli military machine and opened the door to a new phase of the conflict.”

Warning against the logic of "bartering" between submission and survival

Writer and political analyst Adnan Al-Sabah asserts that the “price of freedom” in the face of colonial projects is an idea rooted in the history of peoples who sacrificed blood for their independence and freedom, as peoples who gained their freedom did not make a mathematical calculation of the number of victims in exchange for liberation.

Al-Sabah says: “If the peoples of the earth thought about the blood on the altar of freedom, not a single people would have been liberated until today.”

Al-Sabah points to examples such as Algeria, which presented one and a half million martyrs, Bangladesh, which presented two and a half million martyrs, and Russia, which presented seven million in its revolutions and wars, noting that “only the aggressor thinks about the cost of domination, while the victim refuses to submit even if the price is high.”

Al-Sabah warns against the logic of “bartering” between submission and survival, saying: “Some peoples have paid a price for their submission that is greater than what they would pay for their freedom, but the lesson lies in choosing dignity over humiliation.”

Regarding the Palestinian reality, Al-Sabah stresses that "the first condition for victory is to put the internal house in order," affirming that the Palestinian divisions weaken the position in confronting the occupation.

Al-Sabah says: “The home front must be united, strong and have one vision, but we are still experiencing internal conflicts even in the midst of war, which is causing our cause greater losses.”

Al-Sabah believes that "internal contradictions exacerbate the suffering of the people," calling for an end to polarization and the building of a liberation strategy based on national consensus.

In comparing the “2025 Deal” that is currently taking place regarding stopping the war on the Gaza Strip and exchanging prisoners, with previous deals, Al-Sabah says: “The difference is fundamental and not just the issue of liberating prisoners; the challenge today affects the 1948 lands, which are a red line for Israel.”

Al-Sabah explains that “the attack on October 7 breached this line, which shook the image of the Israeli security system that sanctifies the sanctity of the lands of 1948,” noting that this was a major reason for the unprecedented retaliatory campaign against Gaza.

Al-Sabah points out that Israel did not only take revenge for the number of dead or prisoners, but also because the operation "stripped it of the illusion of immunity" and shook its people's confidence in its military institutions.

Al-Sabah calls on the Palestinians to "learn lessons," stressing that "victory begins with the people's belief in their right to freedom and their ability to pay the price," but he stresses that "this belief must be coupled with internal unity that besieges the occupation instead of besieging itself."