PALESTINE
Sat 25 Jan 2025 9:33 pm - Jerusalem Time
Halevi's resignation... Will the dominoes fall to reach Netanyahu?
The differences that had been emerging between the Israeli political and military levels during the criminal war launched by the occupying state on the Gaza Strip following the October 7 attack, began to be translated into practical terms as soon as the first phase of the exchange deal and ceasefire began, in the form of resignations that included the Chief of Staff of the Israeli army, General Herzi Halevi, and the commander of the Southern Command, Yaron Finkelman, months after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu dismissed his Minister of War, Yoav Galant.
Writers and political analysts who spoke to Al-Quds.com considered the resignation of Halevi and Finkelman a shock to the security and political establishments in Israel. It is not just a personal step, but rather reflects a deep internal crisis in Israel and a major shift in its security doctrine.
Netanyahu government seeks to get rid of current military leadership
Amir Makhoul, a researcher at the Progress Center for Policy, said that the resignation of Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi and Southern Command Commander Yaron Finkelman from their positions reinforces popular demands within Israel for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to resign, or for a committee of inquiry to be formed into the recent crises.
Makhoul explained that these resignations were expected, as they could have been dismissals or resignations due to pressure from the current government, which seeks to get rid of the current military leadership and hold it fully responsible for the failure of October 7, 2023.
Makhoul pointed out that the current Israeli government seeks to make a radical change in the identity of the Israeli army. This includes reformulating the army's "ethical code" and changing the foundations of its work and its type, in line with religious Zionist and far-right trends, and transforming it from a "people's army" to an army with the doctrine of the Greater Land of Israel.
According to Makhoul, the goal is to create an army that is completely loyal to the political leadership, including transferring all powers of the civil administration in the West Bank to the government, which was imposed by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.
Creating an army prepared to use excessive violence against Palestinians
"These changes aim to create an army that is prepared to implement policies characterized by excessive violence against the Palestinians, including committing war crimes without concern or internal opposition, and without adhering to international law and its standards," Makhoul added.
He pointed out that there are clear changes in Israeli society regarding the number of deaths in the army, as the issue of soldiers' deaths has become less sensitive compared to the past, which is confirmed by serious Israeli analyses, unlike what was prevalent in the past decades.
Makhoul believes that the Israeli Prime Minister is seeking to exploit these changes to consolidate his rule and remain in power, especially by appointing military leaders loyal to his policies and priorities, such as Eyal Zamir, the strongest candidate for Chief of Staff.
He explained that in January 2023, Zamir presented a comprehensive action plan to the government aimed at dealing a major blow to Iran, undermining its political system and destroying its nuclear project.
Changes in the context of the judicial coup in Israel
Makhoul also pointed out that these changes come within the context of the judicial coup in Israel, which seeks to reduce the independence of national institutions such as the army and the judiciary.
He considered that these moves aim to eliminate any internal opposition to Netanyahu's policies and his extremist government.
Makhoul noted that the new army that the government seeks to form will be more prepared to impose the complete annexation of the West Bank, similar to its practices in Gaza.
He also warned that these policies could put the Israeli military in a confrontation with the International Criminal Court over possible war crimes.
Concluding his analysis, Makhoul pointed out that these radical changes could lead to a severe internal conflict in Israel, as there is a possibility that the term of this government will be limited, and may lead to early elections. However, he stressed that the biggest beneficiaries of these changes, if they are implemented, will be the far right, Netanyahu and his allies.
Expected resignations and their timing linked to the current truce
For his part, journalist and expert on Israeli affairs, Ismat Mansour, believed that these resignations were expected, and that they have been in effect suspended since the beginning of the events that followed October 7.
Mansour explained that the Chief of Staff and the leaders of the security system had previously announced that they personally bear responsibility for the mistakes, while committing to remain in their positions until those mistakes are addressed and corrected, including managing the battle.
He added: "The timing of the resignations came because of the current truce, the return of some of the prisoners from Gaza, in addition to pressures and changes in the government, such as changing the Minister of Defense.
Mansour pointed out that the attack launched by the Israeli right against the army leaders increased the feeling of these leaders that the time was right to resign, which reflects a state of mistrust between the political and security levels in Israel.
He added: "The resignation of the head of the security pyramid places great pressure on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, because it logically requires his resignation as the head of the political pyramid, as he also bears responsibility.
But he noted that Netanyahu is trying to evade this by refusing to open an official investigation into the events of October 7, and he recently dropped a parliamentary proposal to form an independent commission of inquiry.
Netanyahu fears being convicted in any independent external investigation
Mansour stressed that Netanyahu fears that any external and independent investigation would lead to his personal conviction, and perhaps legal action against him, especially since he bears great responsibility for Israeli policy towards Gaza since he assumed power for more than 13 years.
He also pointed out that his policies, which maintained the Palestinian division and contributed to managing the Gaza file, are what led to the results witnessed by Israel on October 7.
Mansour refused to consider the resignations a victory, pointing out that linking victory and defeat with resignations is not accurate, as the culture of resignation has an organizational dimension within the Israeli army and security system.
He explained that leaders such as Herzi Halevi stressed that their resignation from their positions was intended to establish a culture of bearing responsibility, as “whoever makes a mistake must bear responsibility and leave his position.”
Mansour concluded his speech by pointing out that these resignations also express an internal crisis and an implicit admission of failure in dealing with the events of October 7.
A deep rift in the Israeli political and security system
For her part, the specialist in Israeli affairs, Nevin Abu Rahmon, confirmed that Halevi’s resignation at this particular time, in addition to his personal responsibility for the abject failure to achieve the military objectives, may be a message to the Israeli political level that the war has exhausted itself, and can never be resumed on all fronts.
She said: "The voices coming out of the military leadership and some military analysts say that the army is paying the price for the procrastination that began in July when the terms of the agreement were presented and then called Biden's proposal until the agreement is approved."
Abu Rahmoun added: "During this period, the army was occupied and exhausted with tasks that it was not capable of carrying out, in light of the resistance's engagement, most notably the mission of recovering the Israeli prisoners. This is a great indication of the nature of the rift occurring deep within the Israeli political and security system."
Abu Rahmon considered this resignation of Halevi, and other resignations, as a shock to the Israeli security establishment, and also to the political establishment.
Halevi's resignation is a declaration of responsibility for the failures of October 7
She said: "For the military establishment, this resignation is a declaration of responsibility for the failures that occurred on October 7, which is described in the Israeli narrative as the greatest strategic failure since the establishment of the occupation state in 1948."
She stressed the importance of this resignation, as the military establishment announces its responsibility for this failure, so now the ball is in the hands of the political level, and the extent of its commitment to providing answers that fulfill the right of the failures and the successive responsibilities.
She added: The Israeli system may actually be able to overcome this stage through alternative leadership, but it will have repercussions on the level of the “war trials” equation, meaning that the existing disagreement will deepen over the repercussions of approving the deal, which constitutes an important element in the core of the discussion, with regard to stopping the war and sorting out the Israeli prices, or that it will be in the form of a truce, and then the war will resume as Netanyahu wishes.
She said: "The military establishment has said its word that the war has exhausted itself and that it is time to start the war trial and the need for a new phase."
Netanyahu wants a government investigation committee to control it
Abu Rahmoun continued: “We may be facing a critical stage, especially since in addition to Halevi’s resignation, there was also the resignation of the Southern District official who was directly responsible for the clash and the events that occurred. This is a great indication from the military establishment, which apparently raised its hand and learned its lessons.”
She stressed that this crisis in which Israel is currently in the midst of war and direct clashes between the resistance and Gaza has resulted in these resignations.
She added: "At the heart of the rift at the Israeli political and security level is the issue of taking responsibility for the failures of October 7, which are still pending, without anyone standing up and taking responsibility, led by Netanyahu.
She explained that when the idea of forming an official investigation committee to decide on this issue was launched, the disagreement deepened in terms of the principles and nature of the assigned committee.
She said: "Netanyahu wants it to be a government investigation committee so that the government can control its appointments and course of action, and the other direction is for it to be an official investigation committee that will then be appointed by the Supreme Court. In this issue, there is actually a postponed crisis in the nature of responsibilities in managing the battle and achieving the goals, and this also applies to all the accelerating events regionally."
The Palestinian people pay the highest price
In turn, former Knesset member and lecturer at the Arab American University in Jenin and Ramallah, Dr. Jamal Zahalka, said that the resignation of General Herzi Halevi is not just a personal step, but rather reflects a deep internal crisis in Israel and a major shift in its security doctrine. While the Israeli leadership is fighting over responsibility, the Palestinian people continue to pay the greatest price.
He added: "Halevy's resignation from the position of Chief of Staff of the Israeli army, which will take effect on March 6, has caused a political and security earthquake within Israel."
Zahalka said that this step came amid the ongoing controversy over responsibility for the security failure that occurred on October 7, known as the “Al-Aqsa Flood” shock.
He stressed that Halevi's resignation came after increasing pressure, especially from the extreme right-wing Israeli circles loyal to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, adding that they considered the resignation evidence that responsibility for the failure lies with the military level, while the opposition sought to hold Netanyahu personally responsible for the security failure, calling for early elections and the formation of a new government that enjoys the people's confidence.
Reshaping the military leadership according to Netanyahu’s whims
Zahalka pointed out that Halevi's resignation was not an isolated event, but was followed by other resignations in the upper ranks, such as the commander of the Southern Command, General Yaron Finkelman, and the former head of the Military Intelligence Directorate, General Aharon Haliwa. He expected Netanyahu to exploit this crisis to reshape the military leadership in line with his political agenda.
He said: "The most prominent candidate to succeed Halevi is General Eyal Zamir, who enjoys Netanyahu's trust, while his appointment is expected to face limited opposition. But surprises remain possible, especially with the possibility of appointing less experienced figures such as General Roman Goffman, with the support of the extreme right."
He pointed out that the Israeli security doctrine is undergoing a radical transformation after the October shock, as its traditional pillars such as deterrence, warning, and defense are being reconsidered.
Fear of adopting more aggressive and fierce policies
He stressed that the general trend points to adopting more aggressive and fierce policies based on deadly attacks and preemptive wars.
Zahalka believes that this shift reflects three main factors: First, the political influence of the extreme right, which seeks to control the security establishment. Second, a change in the security leadership to be more in line with the right’s ideology. Third, shifts in the security doctrine towards greater readiness to commit crimes and preemptive wars.
He continued: "Amidst these transformations, the Palestinian people remain the biggest victim. He said: "The internal Israeli disputes push the warring parties to compete to prove their loyalty to the Zionist state by increasing crimes against the Palestinians."
At the end of his statement to Al-Quds.com, Zahalka stressed that with the extreme right controlling the joints of the army and government, the region is facing a dangerous phase that may witness an escalation in violence against the Palestinians and an expansion of the scope of Israeli military operations.
October 7 exposed the weakness of the Israeli intelligence and military services
For his part, Dr. Ali Al-Awar, a specialist in resolving regional and international conflicts, said that October 7 and the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation led by Hamas and its military wing, revealed the weakness of the Israeli intelligence and military agencies, along with the security establishment in Israel, which led to a series of resignations among senior military leaders.
Al-Awar explained that the resignation of the head of military intelligence (Aman), Haliva, was followed by the resignation of the commander of the Gaza Division and the commander of the Central Command, Yehuda Fuchs, then the Chief of Staff, Herzi Halevi, and the commander of the Southern Command. These resignations came in light of everyone being held responsible for the security and military failure in confronting the October 7 attack.
Al-Awar pointed out that these resignations reflect a sharp division between the political establishment, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and the security establishment, which witnessed a clear rejection of Netanyahu's policies in managing the war on Gaza.
He stressed that a faction within the security establishment, led by Yoav Galant and some military leaders, saw the need to end military operations in Gaza after achieving their goals, but Netanyahu continued the war to serve his personal political interests.
Resignation as an alternative to military rebellion
Al-Awar stressed that the continuation of military operations in the northern Gaza Strip, despite the heavy losses in the ranks of the Israeli army, had prompted the army leaders to choose to resign as an alternative to military rebellion. Yair Golan, a former Israeli leader, also described the army's presence in Gaza as "absurd."
Al-Awar warned that these resignations could lead to radical changes in Israel, noting that they pave the way for the Israeli far right to control the army and police. He said that they are an indication of the beginning of change in Israel and the beginning of Israel's transformation from a democratic state to a dictatorial state, ruling out the fall of the Israeli government in light of the successive resignations.
He added: Netanyahu is working to weaken the law by appointing and dismissing security service leaders in a way that serves his political survival.
On another level, Al-Awar saw that Netanyahu's recent military campaign on the Jenin camp came as a "political token" to his partners in the government coalition, such as Smotrich and Ben Gvir, to ensure the continuation of the government.
He also pointed to an expected role for Saudi Arabia in the second phase of the political deal, which Netanyahu expects as a gift from former US President Donald Trump, and includes normalization with Riyadh.
He explained that the resignations of the security leaders reflect a deep internal division in Israel between the security and political institutions, noting that these transformations may reshape the nature of the state and its political future.
Regarding Netanyahu's refusal to open an investigation into the events of October 7, Al-Awar said that Netanyahu fears the formation of a security investigation committee, and is even demanding a political investigation committee, fearing for himself and being accused of failure on October 7.
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Halevi's resignation... Will the dominoes fall to reach Netanyahu?