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PALESTINE

Thu 23 Jan 2025 7:54 am - Jerusalem Time

The aggression on Jenin camp... displacement to erase the last witness to the right of return

Dr. Raed Abu Badawiyya: The occupation government’s decision to consider the West Bank a “battlefront” comes within the framework of appeasing the right and promoting the settlement and annexation agenda

Mohammad Hawash: The aggression on Jenin camp is an Israeli message that the security approach is the only way to deal with the Palestinians in the West Bank

Hani Abu Al-Sabaa: The occupation army sees the West Bank as the most difficult arena with plans to increase the number of settlers to one million... and the resignations of generals to preserve their political future

Dr. Suhail Diab: Four main political reasons for escalating the aggression on Jenin camp.. and the resigned Halevi may play a future role in the opposition

Muhammad Abu Allan Draghmeh: “The Iron Wall” is a political operation with military tools that was implemented to achieve goals related to Smotrich’s remaining in the government coalition

Imad Musa: The aggression on Jenin camp is part of an Israeli strategy to annex the West Bank and destroy the camps to destroy the idea of the right of return


The West Bank, especially Jenin camp, is witnessing an unprecedented Israeli military escalation, amid fears that the aggression is part of a broader Israeli strategy aimed at annexing the West Bank and ending the refugee issue.


In separate interviews with “I,” writers, political analysts, specialists, and university professors believe that this military campaign, which the Israeli occupation has named “The Iron Wall,” is not merely a purely security operation, but rather carries deep political dimensions, as the Israeli government headed by Benjamin Netanyahu seeks to compensate for its failures in the Gaza war, satisfy the extreme right, and attempt to impose a new fait accompli in the West Bank.


They point out that the aggression on Jenin camp aims to weaken the Palestinian resistance and empty the camps of their struggle content, in addition to strengthening the settlement and annexation agenda.


On the other hand, writers, analysts, specialists and university professors believe that the recent resignations of senior Israeli military leaders, including the Chief of Staff, confirm the existence of deep differences between the military establishment and the political level in Israel. These resignations, which come in the wake of the major security failure represented by the events of October 7, 2023, reflect an attempt by these generals to preserve their political future, as they may form a new opposition that agrees with the US administration, which seeks complete control over the management of Israel.

With early elections expected in Israel by June 2025, some writers and analysts see what is happening in the West Bank as part of an attempt to garner more electoral votes.


Harmony with the right-wing vision to strengthen control over the West Bank


Dr. Raed Abu Badawi, Professor of International Law and International Relations at the Arab American University, explains that the Israeli government’s decision to consider the West Bank a “battlefront” while approving an agreement in Gaza comes within the framework of appeasing the Israeli right and promoting the settlement and annexation agenda.


Abu Badawiya asserts that the intensive Israeli military campaign on the Jenin camp and the northern West Bank is in line with the right-wing vision that seeks to strengthen Israeli control over the West Bank, especially in light of the Trump administration’s support for Israeli ambitions in the West Bank.


Abu Badawiya explains that Trump's orientations, which are evident in his support for the Deal of the Century and the transfer of the embassy to Jerusalem, have whetted the appetite of the Israeli right to take practical steps towards annexing parts of the West Bank.


He stresses that the West Bank will be a political and security "price tag" for the Palestinians in light of the agreement between the Trump administration and the Israeli government.


On the other hand, Abu Badawiya believes that the political dimensions behind the resignations of senior Israeli military leaders, including the Chief of Staff, which come amid clear tensions between the military establishment and the Israeli government, are not merely a reaction to the Israeli security failure that characterized the events of October 7, but rather carry multiple political goals, including preserving a possible political future for the resigning generals and officers.


Abu Badawiya points out that the differences between the political and military levels in Israel have become clear in recent months, especially with regard to the different visions regarding the military solution to the Gaza Strip, as the Israeli government headed by Benjamin Netanyahu lacks a clear strategy for the post-aggression on Gaza, which has confused the military establishment and deepened the gap between the two parties.


Abu Badawiya confirms that this difference led to a lack of harmony between the military establishment and the government, which prompted some military leaders to submit their resignations.


Abu Badawiya explains that the resignation of the Chief of Staff also comes within the framework of political pressure from the Israeli right, including incitement by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and resigned National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir against the military leadership.


Abu Badawi notes that Netanyahu had to pay a “political price” to appease the right, prompting the chief of staff to preemptively resign to avoid dismissal.


Abu Badawiya asserts that the timing of the resignation, which coincides with its entry into force next March, aims to avoid participation in any future military operations in Gaza in the event that the deal with Hamas fails.


Abu Badawiya points out that these resignations will have a major impact on the Israeli military establishment, especially with the successive resignations in the leadership ranks.


Abu Badawiya believes that Netanyahu may take advantage of the opportunity to appoint hardline leaders to the General Staff who are in harmony with his political vision, whether in Gaza or the West Bank.


Working to annex as much of the West Bank as possible


Writer and political analyst Muhammad Hawash asserts that the Israeli aggression on Jenin camp did not target real military targets, but rather was part of a continuous message from successive Israeli governments, confirming that the security approach is the only way Israel deals with the Palestinians in the West Bank.


Hawash points out that the current Israeli government is working to annex and control the largest possible area of the West Bank, while relinquishing any responsibility for the future of the region and the future of the conflict with the Palestinians.


Hawash explains that this Israeli government lacks any political approaches, and relies entirely on repeated military operations to force the Palestinians to surrender. However, according to Hawash, this strategy has failed so far, and will not succeed in the future, because the Palestinian people’s issue is much deeper than can be resolved through military force. The Palestinian issue is not just a security problem, but rather an existential issue related to the rights of the Palestinian people to their land and freedom.


Hawash stresses that Israeli governments, including the moderate right, ignore the rights of the Palestinian people, and treat the issue as a security problem that can be solved by subjugating the Palestinians and forcing them to accept “crumbs” of solutions offered by Israel.


However, according to Hawash, these solutions essentially aim to maintain Israeli control and the colonial control system over the daily lives of the Palestinian people, and to prevent any real political solution that guarantees the end of the occupation and the establishment of a Palestinian state. However, the Palestinians will not give up their rights to their land, and will continue the struggle to end the occupation and establish their independent state.


Hawash points out that what encourages Israel to continue this policy is the American position that ignores the rights of the Palestinian people, and allows Israel to talk about the "right of the Jewish people to the land" without recognizing the rights of the Palestinians, stressing that the only solution to the conflict is to reach a peaceful settlement acceptable to both parties, which guarantees the end of the occupation and the establishment of the Palestinian state.


On the other hand, Hawash confirms that the resignations of Israeli generals confirm the existence of deep differences within the Israeli government between the security and political levels, pointing out that these differences are clearly evident in the management of the war of extermination in the Gaza Strip, and the evasion of responsibility for the failure and failure in the events of October 7, 2023.


Hawash points out that Netanyahu and some right-wing parties are seeking to weaken the status of the army and the security system in Israeli political life, in favor of strengthening the role of the political level, with the aim of transferring the powers of the army to the political level, with the aim of holding the army responsible for military failures, instead of holding the political level responsible.


Violating the West Bank... an agreement between Netanyahu and Smotrich


The writer and political analyst specializing in Israeli affairs, Hani Abu Al-Sabaa, explains that the intensive Israeli military campaign in the northern West Bank, especially the Jenin camp, which comes under the name of the “Iron Wall,” comes in light of the estimates of the Israeli military establishment and the Shin Bet (internal security) that the phenomenon of explosive devices used by the resistance in the northern West Bank constitutes a qualitative and dangerous development, especially with its direct threat to settlers’ vehicles and buses.


Abu Al-Sabaa points out that the occupation estimates that the resistance in the northern West Bank has benefited morally from the recent events in the Gaza Strip, especially since the proximity of the distance between Jenin and the Green Line (the 1948 borders) makes the presence of active resistance in the region a strategic threat to Israel, noting that the West Bank, with its large areas, provides the resistance with opportunities to maneuver in more than one location.


Abu Al-Sabaa believes that the main goal of the Israeli military campaign is to eliminate the Jenin Battalion and the wanted men in the northern West Bank, and to send a strong message to the rest of the regions that any resistance action will have a heavy price. The intensive attack on Jenin also aims to put pressure on the popular incubator that supports the resistance.


Abu Al-Sabaa believes that the aggression on Jenin comes within the framework of an agreement between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Smotrich, where it was agreed that Smotrich would not withdraw from the government in exchange for allowing the Israeli army to operate freely in the West Bank and build more settlements, in addition to trying to reduce the Palestinian presence in Area C.


Abu Al-Sabaa confirms that the Israeli army has begun to rely on new methods to confront the resistance, including the use of intensive intelligence and aviation to reduce losses among its soldiers.


Abu Al-Sabaa points out that the occupation army sees the West Bank as the most difficult arena, especially with the presence of about 750,000 settlers, and there are plans to increase their number to one million, which makes any security threat in the region a strategic danger.


As for the resignation of the Israeli generals after the end of the war on the Gaza Strip, Abu Al-Sabaa believes that it was expected, especially after the war in Gaza stopped, as those generals did not want to record withdrawals while the military operations were ongoing.


Abu Al-Sabaa believes that these resignations will continue as part of the recognition of the major intelligence and security failure represented by the events of October 7, 2023, in addition to the failure to intercept the resistance missiles during the war.


Abu Al-Sabaa believes that the resignations of the Israeli generals and officers come within the framework of an attempt by them to preserve their political future, as some of them may return to the political arena in the future. Their withdrawal and admission of the security and intelligence failure in the events of October 7, 2023 is recorded for them as a step aimed at improving their public image, which may open the doors for them to return to political life later.


Abu Al-Sabaa points out that these resignations also come in response to the demands of the Israeli opposition, which is demanding the resignation of everyone responsible for the failure that led to the events of October 7, 2023, as admitting the failure and withdrawing at the present time may leave a glimmer of hope for these officers to return to the political forefront in the future.


Satisfying the far right and compensating for the failures of the Gaza war


Dr. Suhail Diab, a professor of political science and expert on Israeli affairs, believes that there are four main political reasons behind the current Israeli escalation in the Jenin camp, stressing that what is happening is not purely security in nature, but is primarily political.


Diab explains that these reasons include compensating Israeli society for the failures of the Gaza war, satisfying the extreme right, imposing a fait accompli in the West Bank, and trying to weaken the rapprochement between Palestinian factions.


Diab points out that the first reason is Israel's attempt to compensate Israeli society for the failures it faced in the Gaza Strip, especially after signing the prisoner exchange deal that did not achieve any military victories. This step aims to shift the public debate from holding the political leadership, especially Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, accountable for its failures over the past 15 months, to focusing on the security "achievements" in the West Bank. This escalation in the West Bank aims to protect Netanyahu from the conclusions of Israeli society that could lead to his downfall before the upcoming elections.


The second reason for the escalation in the West Bank, starting with the Jenin camp, according to Diab, is to please Smotrich, who threatened to bring down the government. Netanyahu took several measures to appease him, including announcing a general amnesty for settlers accused of committing terrorist acts against Palestinians, and a decision in the security cabinet to open a new fighting front in the West Bank. These steps aim to ensure Smotrich remains in the government coalition, especially in light of the threats he made regarding the second stage of the prisoner exchange deal that he would withdraw from the Israeli government.


Diab asserts that the third reason is Israel’s attempt to weaken the rapprochement between Palestinian factions in the West Bank, especially between the security services and factions and groups such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Jenin Battalion, noting that Israel is concerned about any Palestinian-Palestinian rapprochement, as it prefers that the factions remain in a state of permanent tension to ensure its control over the situation. In addition, choosing the Jenin camp as the main target of this campaign reflects Israel’s concern about any future Palestinian understandings.


The fourth reason, according to Diab, is Israel's attempt to impose a new fait accompli in the West Bank that can be used as bargaining chips with the administration of US President Donald Trump, noting that Netanyahu wants to enter into understandings with Trump with bargaining chips, such as expanding settlements and imposing greater security control over the West Bank, to be used in future political bargaining.


Regarding the resignation of the Israeli Chief of Staff, Herzi Halevi, and the possibility of other generals resigning, Diab asserts that this resignation is purely political, as it came at a time that reflects Halevi’s desire to send a strong message that the war in Gaza has ended, and that any attempt to reignite it will be the responsibility of the political leadership.


Diab explains that the resignation also indicates that Halevi will not withdraw from the political scene, but may play a future role in the Israeli opposition, especially in light of expectations of other resignations among the military and security leadership.


Strengthening the balance within Netanyahu's coalition government


The writer and expert on Israeli affairs, Muhammad Abu Allan Daraghmeh, believes that the “Iron Wall Operation,” launched by the Israeli occupation army in the city and camp of Jenin, is nothing more than part of an internal Israeli political game, aiming to strengthen the balances within the coalition government headed by Benjamin Netanyahu, rather than being a purely military operation.


According to Draghmeh, the recent operation in Jenin can be described as a “political operation with military tools,” as it was carried out primarily to achieve internal goals related to Smotrich’s remaining in the coalition government.


Draghmeh explains that after Smotrich rejected the prisoner exchange deal and the ceasefire in Gaza, he asked Netanyahu to carry out extensive military operations in the northern West Bank, especially in Jenin, under the pretext of “strengthening security.” Netanyahu agreed to this request in exchange for ensuring that Smotrich would remain in the government coalition, which means that the operation was essentially “Operation Smotrich” and not “Iron Wall.”


Draghmeh points out that such military operations, despite their cruelty, destruction of infrastructure, and targeting of civilians, will not be able to eliminate the Palestinian resistance. These operations may strike here or there, and may weaken the resistance for a limited period of time, but Israel will not eliminate it, and the Israeli occupation is well aware of this.


Draghmeh expects that we will witness other military operations in wider areas, but in the end they will still have internal political objectives more than military ones.


Draghmeh points out that the Israeli occupation has been carrying out military operations in the West Bank since 2022, starting with Operation “Breaking the Waves,” passing through Operation “House and Garden” in Jenin camp, then Operation “Summer Camps,” and finally Operation “Iron Wall.” Between these major operations, there were smaller operations that did not bear specific names, but targeted areas such as Tubas, Al-Far’a camp, Tulkarm camps, and Nour Shams. Each time, the occupation uses the same pretext, which is “enhancing security,” but the real goal is to destroy the infrastructure and kill civilians, within the framework of a lesser degree of genocide.


Draghmeh explains that the resignations of the Israeli generals at this stage were not surprising, as the Israeli military level announced its responsibility for the events of October 7, 2023 immediately after they occurred.


He points out that the delay in the resignations of the generals may have been due to the war continuing for a long time, and now the ceasefire has come for 42 days, which gave them enough time to resign and be replaced by new leaders, as these resignations came as an indirect response to the request of the Israeli political level, which seeks to reshape the military leadership in line with its current policy in Gaza and the West Bank.


The coming period is expected to witness other resignations among the Israeli military and security leadership, including the head of the Shin Bet, who is said to intend to submit his resignation soon.


According to Draghmeh, these resignations will be a gift to the Israeli political level, especially to Netanyahu, who is trying to place full responsibility for the events of October 7, 2023 on the army and the military establishment, rather than the political level.


Jenin camp is only the beginning


Writer and political analyst Imad Musa believes that the Israeli aggression on Jenin camp comes within the context of an Israeli strategy aimed at permanently annexing the West Bank to the State of Israel, as well as ending the refugee issue.


Musa explains that this strategy differs in part from that followed in demolishing and destroying the Gaza Strip, where Israel relies in the West Bank on systematically destroying the camps, with the aim of destroying the idea of the right of return and ending any link between the Palestinians and their historical land.


Musa points out that the presence of the authority in the West Bank, which enjoys international recognition, makes Israel follow a policy of gradually destroying the camps, instead of comprehensive demolition as happened in Gaza.


Musa believes that this strategy also includes targeting the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), with the aim of undermining any hope of refugees returning to their homes.


Musa points out that targeting the Palestinian camps is due to the fact that they constitute an incubator for the Palestinian resistance and revolution and the end of any hope for self-determination for the Palestinian people.


Musa points out that the Jenin camp is only the beginning, expecting that after its completion, Israel will move on to target other camps in the West Bank, with the aim of emptying them of their struggle content and making them uninhabitable areas.


Musa stresses that the ultimate goal is to end the refugee file in the West Bank and achieve a Jewish state free of any effective Palestinian presence.


Regarding the recent resignations of Israeli generals, Musa explains that this step comes within the framework of these military personnel’s attempt to lead the political scene in Israel in the future, noting that they may form a new opposition that agrees with the US administration, which seeks to take complete control of Israel’s administration after the United States almost lost Israel’s administration during the era of former President Joe Biden.


Musa expects the new US administration, headed by Donald Trump, to push for early elections in Israel by June 2025 at the latest.


Musa points out that what is happening in the camps, including Jenin camp, is part of an attempt to garner more electoral votes before these elections.

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The aggression on Jenin camp... displacement to erase the last witness to the right of return