Dr. Hussein Al-Deek: The expected US administration is right-wing in nature and the Palestinian cause faces complex and harsh challenges

Khalil Shaheen: The Authority’s success in facing upcoming challenges depends on its ability to develop a comprehensive strategic vision

Dr. Saad Nimr: The next phase will witness an escalation in the West Bank after the end of the Gaza war with the aim of consolidating and expanding settlements

Firas Yaghi: Israel seeks to create chaos in the West Bank to justify its claims that the Authority cannot control the internal situation

Dr. Suhail Diab: The scene is complex.. and the options before the authorities are narrow but serious if invested in the right way

Suleiman Basharat: Israel is trying to create "creative chaos" based on the old American methodology to weaken internal Palestinian cohesion

The Palestinian Authority faces a critical stage in 2025, as international and regional political factors intertwine, presenting it with unprecedented challenges in light of the escalation of Israeli ambitions and potential American support for these policies, which was evident in statements by US President-elect Donald Trump indicating that he has plans to implement them.

In separate interviews with “I”, writers, political analysts and political science professors confirm that Israeli policies supported by the Donald Trump administration represent an additional pressure factor on the Palestinian cause, in light of an expected Israeli attempt to announce the annexation of the West Bank and control over the Gaza Strip, as current trends show an integration between Israeli and American positions aimed at imposing a new fait accompli, through settlement expansion and rejection of the two-state solution, in addition to escalating security and military measures in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

The book and political science professors believe that Israel seeks to "resolve the conflict" by imposing its control over the entire Palestinian geography, while working to weaken the Palestinian Authority and transform it into a functional entity with limited powers.

They stress that there are Palestinian political and legal options to confront the next stage, including holding Israel responsible as an occupying power, and activating the trend towards international courts to hold Israeli leaders accountable for their violations, in parallel with ending the internal Palestinian division and unifying the national ranks through a comprehensive political project, which enhances the Palestinians’ ability to confront Israeli policies and impose new equations at the regional and international levels.

Expected scenarios portend more complexity

The writer and political analyst specializing in American affairs, Dr. Hussein Al-Deek, confirms that the expected scenarios for the next American administration portend more complexity on the international scene, especially with regard to the Palestinian issue.

Al-Deek explains that the upcoming US administration headed by Donald Trump is right-wing in nature, as it will witness the control of neo-conservatives and the extreme Christian right, in addition to the influence of the Zionist lobby.

Al-Deek points out that the appointments nominated by Trump to be decision-makers in his next administration are a prominent indicator of this trend, as they include figures affiliated with the far-right and hawkish current in American politics, who are intellectually and strategically linked to the Zionist lobby. This alliance between the right-wing and conservative forces in the United States places the Palestinian cause before unprecedented challenges.

Al-Deek explains that the current scene, which has witnessed widespread destruction and a genocidal war in the Gaza Strip, clearly shows the American political position’s alignment with Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, which is considered the most extremist and fascist in Israel’s history.

Al-Deek points out that this rapprochement between Washington and Tel Aviv reinforces Netanyahu’s orientations, especially those related to rejecting the two-state solution and promoting what is known as “economic peace,” which Netanyahu has proposed for years and is based on eliminating any idea of establishing an independent Palestinian political entity in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

He points out that the geopolitical shifts in the Middle East serve Netanyahu's right-wing government, which could lead to further escalation on the security and political levels in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Al-Deek confirms that there are clear Israeli tendencies to occupy the Gaza Strip directly or indirectly, with the international and regional conditions being prepared for that, in the coming year 2025.

Al-Deek reminds us that the “decisive plan” proposed by Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich represents an existential threat to the Palestinians, as it aims to annex more Palestinian lands, displace the population, and continue to erode Palestinian national rights.

In the face of these difficult scenarios, Al-Deek believes that Palestinians have political and legal options that they can rely on to address these challenges.

The most prominent of these options, according to Al-Deek, is for the PLO to hold Israel fully responsible for the administrative and civil situation in the West Bank, as an occupying power, in accordance with international humanitarian law, which obliges the occupation to assume its responsibilities towards the Palestinian people.

Al-Deek points out that among the options before the PLO is declaring Palestine a “state under occupation,” a measure that would burden Israel with additional responsibilities at the international level and highlight the suffering of the Palestinians before the international community.

In addition, Al-Deek points out the importance of the PLO turning to international courts and UN institutions, with the aim of holding Israeli leaders accountable for war crimes and ongoing violations against the Palestinian people.

Al-Deek proposes an additional option, which is for the PLO to demand that the United Nations assume its full responsibilities towards the Palestinian people, which would place the international community before its humanitarian and political responsibilities, especially in light of Israel’s failure to fulfill its obligations as an occupying state.

Al-Deek stresses that the next stage will be extremely difficult, and that the Palestinians are facing fateful challenges that require a coordinated strategic move to confront the Israeli escalation, whether through political action or through international legal and diplomatic paths.

Netanyahu's government seeks to impose a fait accompli

Writer and political analyst Khalil Shaheen believes that the future of the Palestinian Authority will depend on the intertwining and interaction of a group of basic factors that play a decisive role in determining the fate of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

Shaheen points out that the Israeli far-right government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, is seeking to impose a fait accompli by expanding settlements and deepening control over Palestinian lands, leading to the partial or comprehensive annexation of large areas of the West Bank, while avoiding an official announcement at the present time.

Shaheen explains that Israel is working to isolate the Palestinian areas in the West Bank by preventing their geographical connection, which undermines the possibility of establishing a cohesive Palestinian state. Israel is using several tools to achieve this, most notably the displacement of Bedouin communities and the escalation of settler militia attacks on Palestinian villages and towns.

As a result, Shahin explains, Israel seeks to transform the Palestinian Authority into a functional entity that serves Israeli security goals, with its tasks limited to managing the internal affairs of the Palestinians, as was the case before the establishment of the Authority when municipalities, such as the Nablus municipality, had local police forces.

Shaheen points to US policies as another influential factor, especially in light of the Trump administration’s positions that may recognize Israel’s annexation of large areas of the West Bank, and support the continuation of the war or displacement in the Gaza Strip.

Gradual Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank

Shaheen believes that according to this scenario, Israeli sovereignty will be gradually imposed on the West Bank, and the powers of the Palestinian Authority will gradually fade away, turning it into something like a “large municipality” that undertakes limited tasks under Israeli control.

Regarding the Gaza Strip, Shaheen points out that Israel and the United States reject Hamas’s participation in any form of governance, whether through community committees or otherwise. Even if the Palestinian Authority is allowed to return to the Strip, the Authority’s powers, if it returns to Gaza, will be similar to its powers in the West Bank, and will remain subject to Israeli restrictions.

On the other hand, Shaheen stresses the importance of regional factors represented by the geopolitical transformations in the Middle East, which are witnessing major changes after the war on Lebanon and the fall of the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria.

Shaheen believes that Israel seeks to consolidate its position as a "small but big" state in the region, with the upper hand to strike anywhere it wants, thus strengthening its regional hegemony.

In light of these developments, Shaheen believes that the Palestinians are required to develop a new strategy to confront the looming dangers. This strategy begins with the need to address the issue of internal Palestinian division politically and institutionally, by rebuilding the unified Palestinian political system in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This also includes rebuilding the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

Shaheen believes that the Palestinian Authority must conduct a comprehensive national dialogue to read future transformations and develop scenarios for dealing with challenges, whether in the West Bank or the Gaza Strip. This requires formulating a Palestinian strategy capable of confronting plans to deepen the occupation and settlement, and benefiting from the experience of Palestinian national work before the establishment of the Authority.

Shaheen explains that this does not mean dissolving the Palestinian Authority, but rather pushing towards changing its political, administrative and security tasks, to transform it into an entity that strengthens the steadfastness of the Palestinians and manages their affairs in cooperation with the factions, civil society and municipalities.

Shaheen stresses the necessity of ending the internal Palestinian division and unifying Palestinian institutions, in addition to coordinating with the Arab world to confront Israeli policies.

Shaheen believes that the Authority's success in facing the upcoming challenges depends on its ability to develop a comprehensive strategic vision that contributes to preserving the unity of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and strengthening Palestinian steadfastness in the face of Israeli plans.

There is no indication of a two-state solution..!

Dr. Saad Nimr, a professor of political science at Birzeit University, confirms that current Israeli policies, supported by the United States, especially by the administration of US President-elect Donald Trump, do not even include a reference to the two-state solution. Trump himself has declared that this solution is not necessarily the best path. However, the final form that both the US administration and the Israeli government seek to establish in the occupied territories remains unclear.

Nimr explains that there is a clear Israeli trend towards annexing large parts of the West Bank, as proposed by Israeli officials such as Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, with the approval of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

According to Nimr, this annexation includes approximately one-third of the West Bank, in addition to the strategic areas in the Jordan Valley. What is happening on the ground is practically leading to the dismemberment of the West Bank and its transformation into separate areas.

Nimr points out that the Palestinian National Authority faces major challenges in dealing with these Israeli policies, stressing that any Palestinian attempt to confront this reality requires real strengths.

Nimr stresses the necessity of achieving comprehensive national unity among all Palestinian factions, and unifying the PLO to include all political organizations.

Nimr stresses that this Palestinian consensus on a unified national strategy will be the only way to confront the American and Israeli moves.

Nimr warns against Israel dissolving the Palestinian Authority and replacing it with local authorities in three separate “cantons” in the north, center, and south, as Smotrich proposes.

Nimr asserts that the two-state solution has become a thing of the past due to the facts imposed by Israel on the ground, such as the settlement expansion that now includes about 800,000 settlers in the West Bank, the annexation of large parts of the land, the exclusion of East Jerusalem as a potential capital for the Palestinian state, and the rejection of any discussion about the right of return of refugees.

Nimr points out that Israel does not seek to return the refugees, but rather works to displace the Palestinians and expel them from their lands.

Nimr stresses that the Palestinian Authority must think in a new way, and this will only be achieved through national unity capable of developing effective strategies for the coming stages.

Nimr expects that the next stage will witness increasing Israeli escalation against the West Bank after the end of the Gaza war, with the aim of consolidating and expanding settlements, which means more severe Israeli measures against the Palestinians. These policies will also be accompanied by strict security measures, which will increase the suffering of the Palestinians in the West Bank.

Nimr warns that the West Bank is entering an “extremely difficult” phase, where Israeli control will be strengthened through settlements and the fragmentation of Palestinian geography, which will impose new options on the Palestinians that require unity and strategic coordination to confront these dangers.

An Israeli plan to control the West Bank and undermine the Authority

Writer and political analyst Firas Yaghi believes that the leaks circulating about whether or not the Palestinian Authority will remain in power, and the proposal of a “deal” by the administration of US President-elect Donald Trump to be implemented and not discussed, reflect the existence of an Israeli plan seeking to control the West Bank and undermine the Palestinian National Authority.

According to Yaghi, Trump's possible support for the uncertain and somewhat delayed annexation of the West Bank gives Israel room to move, but he believes that regional and international circumstances make the existence of the Palestinian Authority an indispensable necessity.

Yaghi points out that Israel is working to create a state of chaos in the West Bank, to justify its claims to the international and regional community that the Authority is unable to impose security and control the internal situation.

Yaghi points out that the escalation and clashes currently taking place in Jenin are part of a plan by Israeli extremists and settlers to exploit the tense security situation, with the aim of showing the Authority as an entity incapable of controlling the resistance.

Yaghi explains that the comfortable relationship between Israel and Trump has contributed to giving Israel the “long hand” to move freely in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

However, Yaghi stresses that Israeli attempts to liquidate the Palestinian cause will fail, stressing that the Palestinian people, who have endured since the dawn of history, will not give up their national rights and their right to self-determination.

Yaghi believes that the key to real confrontation lies in Palestinian national unity among all national and Islamic factions, as it is the only guarantee to confront Israeli plans aimed at ending the Palestinian cause.

Yaghi believes that the Palestinian Authority needs to adopt a confrontation program based on international legitimacy resolutions and linked to the field reality.

Yaghi believes that the peaceful popular uprising is the most appropriate and effective option to confront the Israeli occupation and its racist practices in the West Bank, given its international legitimacy and ability to gain global support.

Yaghi points out that the experience of armed resistance has proven its limitations under the current circumstances, as it lacks broad regional and international support, and is even branded as terrorism, especially after the bombing of the Twin Towers in New York in 2001.

Yaghi calls on the Palestinian Authority to strengthen its relations with Arab countries and to engage effectively in international institutions and organizations, most notably the United Nations and the Security Council.

Yaghi stresses that any solution that does not guarantee the internationally recognized Palestinian rights will not receive Palestinian or international acceptance or support.

Yaghi points out that recent developments, especially after the events of October 7, have brought the Palestinian issue back to the international forefront, which requires the Palestinians to unite their ranks and emerge from the current state of division.

Yaghi calls on the Palestinian Authority to focus on strengthening the steadfastness of the Palestinian people by implementing internal reforms, and enhancing trust between the leadership and the people by moving towards elections.

Yaghi stresses that demanding national rights, foremost among which is the issue of Jerusalem, requires a unified Palestinian strategy based on international legitimacy and intensive diplomatic work, in addition to internal reforms that enhance the Palestinians’ ability to withstand and confront upcoming political challenges.

Four strategic Israeli steps

Dr. Suhail Diab, a professor of political science and expert on Israeli affairs, asserts that Israel, led by Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition, has reached new conclusions after the war on Gaza regarding the course of its dealings with the Palestinian issue. Diab explains that the most prominent conclusion is that Israel has moved from the stage of “conflict management” to “resolving the conflict” with the aim of liquidating the Palestinian issue once and for all.

Diab explains that there are four strategic steps that Israel is adopting in this context, the most important of which are: erasing the borders between areas “A”, “B” and “C” in the West Bank, and extending Israeli military influence over all areas.

The second strategic step, according to Diab, is to focus on Area C, which includes the majority of settlers and a limited number of Palestinians, which facilitates the imposition of Israeli control over it.

Diab points out that the third strategy is to facilitate the migration of Palestinians, either by pushing them to move between areas of the West Bank or displacing them outside it if the opportunity is available.

Diab points out that the fourth strategy is the incoming Trump administration's exchange of annexing parts of the West Bank, especially Area C, to Israel in exchange for any solution in the region.

Diab stresses that implementing this plan requires eliminating any Palestinian political entity, and this is what Israel seeks to achieve by escalating its security and military policies in the West Bank after the end of the war on Gaza.

Diab points out that Netanyahu's recent meetings with President-elect Donald Trump revealed new reviews by Trump regarding the region. Trump asked Netanyahu not to rush into annexing the West Bank to avoid embarrassing the United States, pointing to increasing international pressure, especially after the war on Gaza, which made the Palestinian issue a focus of global attention.

In light of this complex scene, Diab believes that the options before the Palestinian Authority are narrow, but serious if they are invested in the right way.

Diab explains that the first of these options is to expand the Palestine Liberation Organization to include all forces, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad, under a unified political program that focuses on the two-state solution and the establishment of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, including the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem.

The second option, according to Diab, is to form a unified transitional government that reflects the unity of the Palestinian word and presents itself to the world as a unified voice for the Palestinian cause.

If it is not possible to form a government in the occupied territories, Diab proposes establishing a “government in exile” as a strategic option that would pressure world public opinion, taking advantage of the momentum gained by the Palestinian narrative after the recent war on Gaza.

Diab addresses the third option, which is to move towards “open diplomacy,” by expanding relations with all international and regional parties, and not limiting ourselves to the American path.

Diab points to the necessity of strengthening the Palestinian presence before the European Union, whose position is showing signs of differences from the United States, in addition to Russia, China, and the Arab and Islamic countries.

In the regional context, Diab believes that the Palestinians should enhance cooperation with influential Arab countries, most notably Saudi Arabia, given its historical, political, religious and economic status.

Diab points out that Saudi Arabia is the key to any regional project, especially in light of the increasing interest in gas pipelines from the Middle East to Europe. Saudi Arabia also sets a main condition for any regional settlement, which is the necessity of finding a just solution to the Palestinian issue.

Regarding the regional situation after the Syrian crisis, Diab points to the decline in the role of the axis of resistance led by Iran and Hezbollah, in contrast to the rise of the Turkish-Qatari axis and Israel and the United States benefiting from the new situation.

However, Diab stresses the importance of finding an Arab project led by Saudi Arabia and Egypt that restores balance to the Palestinian issue.

Diab warns that Israel will seek, during the next stage, to calm the Lebanese and Gaza fronts in order to focus on the West Bank.

Diab points out that Israel fears the "domino syndrome" that may spread from Syria to Jordan and the West Bank, which will push it to escalate its security measures in the West Bank.

Diab stresses that the success of the Palestinians in uniting their ranks and giving priority to the national agenda over any regional or ideological considerations will strengthen the Palestinian position and prevent Israel from achieving its goals.

Suleiman Basharat: Israel is trying to create “creative chaos” based on the old American methodology to weaken internal Palestinian cohesion.

Writer and political analyst Suleiman Basharat believes that the Israeli occupation is working systematically and deliberately to target all Palestinians in the West Bank, not only in intentions, but also through practical practices on the ground and statements issued by the occupation leaders, as the occupation agrees on the necessity of weakening the Palestinian presence. The main goal, according to Basharat, is to achieve the Israeli dream of establishing a "Jewish state" on all Palestinian soil, in exchange for keeping the Palestinians within an administrative and humanitarian framework without an independent political entity.

Basharat explains that Israeli policies, which include settlement, land confiscation, and obstructing Palestinian sovereignty within Area A according to the Oslo Accords, come within the context of a deliberate plan to dismantle the Palestinian institutional and political structure.

Basharat points out that the piracy of Palestinian clearance funds is also part of this strategy aimed at paralyzing the Palestinian economy and weakening the Palestinian Authority’s ability to perform its role.

Basharat points out that Israel's continued evasion of political entitlements and its rejection of any solutions or settlements that guarantee the establishment of a Palestinian state reflects a categorical refusal to recognize Palestinian rights.

Basharat believes that the Israeli occupation is working to establish a narrative that the Palestinians are not qualified to establish an independent state or political sovereignty, exploiting this narrative to abort any international pressure or political solution projects that may be proposed in the future.

The occupation reinforces its policies through the green light given by the United States, as Basharat believes that Washington controls the management of the Palestinian file in a way that serves the Israeli vision, far from any honest role or neutral sponsorship of the settlement process.

In this context, Basharat points out that the Israeli occupation aims to reshape the demographic and geographical reality in the West Bank through annexation and settlement policies, which began with legislation such as the “Jewish National Identity Law” and the transformation of Palestinian lands into “state lands” and then into settlements. The Knesset’s legislation not to recognize any Palestinian state unilaterally reflects the extent of Israel’s rejection of any political solution.

Basharat asserts that since 2007, Israel has worked to strengthen the state of Palestinian division, by fueling differences between movements and factions, reaching the point of attempts to create an internal societal division by inciting against Palestinian camps and dismantling the social fabric. The goal here, according to Basharat, is to weaken the Palestinian situation from within in a way that facilitates the implementation of Israeli plans.

Regarding the Palestinian Authority’s options to confront this reality, Basharat believes that they have become very limited, almost non-existent. The Palestinian commitment to the Oslo Accords unilaterally has made the occupation exert more pressure to obtain additional concessions, and with Arab and international support for the Palestinian cause declining to its lowest levels, the Palestinian leadership is suffering from a clear weakness in its ability to withstand.

In this context, Basharat believes that the most important option is to activate Palestinian national unity through a comprehensive national project that dissolves organizational differences and enables Palestinians to unify their positions.

Basharat stresses the need to agree on a unified vision for the nature of the relationship with the occupation and the tools of struggle at the current stage, including reactivating Palestinian institutions, resorting to democracy and listening to the Palestinian street through elections, which enhances the legitimacy of the Palestinian leadership and gives it the strength to confront Israeli pressures.

Basharat stresses the importance of strengthening Palestinian steadfastness through frankness and understanding between the political leadership and the Palestinian street, considering that the people are the primary incubator of the leadership. Clarity and internal communication thwart the occupation’s attempts to monopolize the Palestinian Authority or weaken it.

In addition, Basharat calls for the necessity of revitalizing the Palestine Liberation Organization and its institutions as the unifying home and primary reference that enjoys Arab and international recognition and support.

Regarding the political and security developments in the West Bank, Basharat warns that the Israeli occupation seeks to create a state of “creative chaos” based on the old American methodology, noting that Israel is fueling this chaos to weaken internal Palestinian cohesion.

Therefore, Basharat believes that blocking the way for these plans requires strengthening internal unity and confronting the occupation’s attempts to destabilize Palestinian society and politics.