From Gaza Administration to Regional Re-engineering... The Battle for the Palestinian National Project in the Face of Post-War Arrangements

The circulating calls for what was termed the "June 26th Movement" in the Gaza Strip sparked widespread debate within the Palestinian street, between those who saw it as an expression of deep popular resentment after more than twenty months of genocidal war and destruction, and after years of imposing a de facto rule, and those who considered it an attempt to exploit the humanitarian tragedy in the context of political projects linked to regional and international "day after" scenarios.Regardless of the party behind these calls or the extent of the response to them, preoccupation with the debate surrounding them should not obscure the fundamental question regarding the nature of the upcoming Palestinian phase. Is the conflict intended to be reduced to the issue of who governs the Gaza Strip, while at the same time the processes of completing the settlement project in the West Bank and Jerusalem continue, and the policies of genocide, starvation, and displacement in the Gaza Strip and West Bank camps deepen according to the declared plans of the occupation?The national priority today remains clear: to stop the aggression, end the Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip, and thwart attempts to consolidate Israeli control or impose security and political arrangements that undermine Palestinian national rights. However, this priority does not mean ignoring the internal Palestinian crisis, nor accepting the continuation of division or the entrenchment of a de facto rule that has weakened the political system and allowed extensive external interference in Palestinian affairs.It has become clear that Israel, led by the Netanyahu government, is not content with merely managing the war, but is working to exploit its results to reshape the Palestinian reality in a way that serves its colonial settlement project, benefiting from internal division and attempts to impose new political formulas under various titles, whether called "the day after," "Gaza administration," or "peace council," all of which are proposed outside the Palestinian national will.In this context, what is happening in Palestine cannot be separated from the rapid transformations in the region. In Lebanon, positions of Lebanese national forces emerged rejecting agreements or arrangements understood as a response to external pressures and political dictates, reflecting the increasing pressure on national decision-making in more than one Arab arena, and an attempt to readjust it within complex regional and international balances. In contrast, the arrangements proposed in Palestine for the post-war period or for the administration of Gaza do not deviate from the same context, where stability is intended to be reproduced according to conditions that do not reflect free national will, as much as they try to impose political power balances that were not achieved during the war.Here, the seriousness of the stage becomes clear. The scene is no longer a traditional local conflict, but rather closer to a redistribution of spheres of influence and control over sovereign decision-making in more than one arena, from Gaza to the West Bank, and from Beirut to Amman and Damascus, within a single regional approach under formation, where political, security, and economic files intertwine.Therefore, confronting these projects is not only by rejection, but by presenting a clear Palestinian national alternative, starting with a comprehensive and responsible national dialogue aimed at ending the division and restoring the unity of the political system, and restoring the PLO's standing as the legitimate and sole representative of the Palestinian people and the holder of political and geographical authority, on the basis of the unity of land and people, while developing its institutions on democratic and participatory foundations.In this context, the need arises to form a transitional national salvation government to manage the affairs of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, unify civil and administrative institutions, oversee relief and reconstruction, and prepare for presidential and legislative elections, as well as National Council elections as soon as conditions are available to ensure their integrity and comprehensive Palestinian participation at home and in the diaspora.The issue today is no longer merely administrative arrangements for governing Gaza, but rather a redefinition of the entire Palestinian national project. The real battle is no longer about who rules the land, but about protecting independent national decision-making, and preventing the Palestinian issue from being turned into a humanitarian or security file managed according to external calculations.Moreover, the transformations in the international system, despite their complexities, open a margin that can be exploited if there is a unified national will and vision, and a more balanced and open foreign policy that utilizes the multiplicity of international power centers and the movement of peoples, including within the ongoing United States today, to turn them into elements of support for the struggle of our Palestinian people, instead of waiting for externally imposed solutions.Our battle is not over who governs Gaza, but over the nature of the entire upcoming Palestinian phase. It is a battle to rebuild national unity, renew the legitimacy of the political system, and reformulate the national liberation project in line with regional and international transformations, and to protect the Palestinian decision from external tutelage and dictates.If we Palestinians do not take the initiative to formulate our project ourselves, others will continue to formulate it for us. This is the real battle today, which is the battle for national identity, independent decision, and the restoration of political initiative to strengthen popular steadfastness and pave the way for freedom, national independence, and justice.* Member of the Fatah Movement's Advisory Council.