Media sources have revealed extensive movements led by the so-called 'Regional Settlement Council - Samaria' to launch a massive settlement project named 'The Connection Plan'. This project aims to bring about a radical demographic and geographic change in the occupied northern West Bank by establishing 18 new settlements in strategic areas.

The plan includes the reconstruction of four settlements that the occupation army evacuated in 2005 as part of the famous 'Disengagement Plan', namely Homesh, Sa-Nur, Ganim, and Kadim. This step comes after intensive legal and political efforts to cancel the restrictions imposed on settlers' entry to these areas for nearly two decades.

Sources reported that the Settlement Council has been promoting this return for many months, with the plan including the construction of 14 entirely new settlements in addition to the four reactivated ones. Some of these projects have already received official government approvals, while the remaining sites await final political decisions to begin construction work.

On the ground, the 'Samaria' Council, in cooperation with the 'Amana' settlement movement, has begun forming family nuclei of settlers ready for immediate relocation to the targeted lands. The first phases of actual settlement are expected to begin next summer, as part of an accelerated timeline imposed by the right-wing forces in the government.

'The Connection Plan' is an integral part of a broader strategic vision that carries the slogan 'A Million in Samaria', which aims to raise the number of settlers in the northern West Bank to one million people. This vision relies on canceling all provisions of the Disengagement Law and providing a massive infrastructure capable of accommodating these large numbers of new settlers.

The proposed projects are not limited to residential units only, but also include the construction of integrated urban communities with advanced educational, religious, and Torah institutions. The plan also notes a diversification in the nature of the settlers, as settlements designated for secular individuals, such as 'Mitzpe Yam' and 'Alonei Shomron', will be established to ensure the expansion of support for the project.

This settlement project is being implemented in full and direct coordination with the Ministries of Army, Finance, and Housing in the occupation government, which provides it with official cover and huge budgets. Yossi Dagan, head of the Settlement Council, stated that the goal is to entrench the Jewish presence in the region and prevent any possibility of future withdrawal.

About a month ago, the area witnessed a cornerstone-laying ceremony for the reconstructed 'Sa-Nur' settlement, with the participation of prominent ministers such as Bezalel Smotrich and Israel Katz. The participating ministers considered the return to these areas to be an official government policy aimed at strengthening settlement activity deep within Palestinian territories.

In a related context, estimates by the 'Peace Now' movement indicate that the number of settlers in the West Bank has already exceeded half a million settlers, not including settlers in Jerusalem. These figures confirm the magnitude of the challenges facing the two-state solution in light of the continuous and systematic settlement expansion practiced by the occupation authorities.

For its part, international and UN institutions continue to affirm that all settlement activities in the occupied territories are considered illegal and violate international law and the Geneva Conventions. Despite repeated international demands to stop settlement, the occupation continues to impose new realities on the ground that undermine the chances of establishing a contiguous Palestinian state.

The goal of the plan is to strengthen the settlement presence and provide a practical alternative to the concept of withdrawal from the occupied territories.

It was a few days ago when I received a message from the editor of Al-Ayyam Algerian newspaper, the creative brother Khaled Ezz El-Din, asking me to write a critical review of the novel "Wings of Hope and Light." At first, I thought I would be dealing with another literary text that would pass through memory like any other, reading it with a critic's eye, and quietly leaving it after finishing the reading; but I didn't know that this small message would suddenly open closed doors in my heart, and that it would awaken within me a complete archive of dormant pain, bringing back faces that had disappeared, voices that had faded, and memories that I had long thought time had managed to soothe. I remember remaining for moments staring at the novel's title, while something mysterious slowly crept into my depths. The title alone was enough to disturb my heart, "Wings of Hope and Light"... as if the words came laden with the souls of those who had passed through here in pain, then left behind an emptiness that nothing could fill. His message seemed simple on the surface, but to me, its impact was profound; he told me of his desire to publish critical readings of this novel due to its deep human dimensions dealing with cancer patients and their psychological and existential suffering, and how hope can be born even from the heart of pain. As soon as I started browsing the novel, the tape of memory rewound all at once... Time took me back to my late friend, the dear sister Maha Abu Surour, whom this cursed disease snatched away less than a month ago. I remembered her laughter, her passion for life, her noble human presence, and how she resisted pain with a smile like light. She loved life in a way that made those around her believe that a beautiful soul is not easily defeated, even as it silently erodes. Then memory suddenly jumped to other faces that had departed in the same way... faces we had loved for a long time, then cancer snatched them without mercy, leaving unfillable voids in the heart. And at the forefront of all these was my mother... my beloved who passed away four years ago after a painful journey with the disease. I lived with her every detail of that heavy journey from the moment the disease was first discovered, through chemotherapy sessions, bodily changes, moments of fatigue, and up to the last moment she bid farewell to life. I watched her clinging to hope every day, and how she loved life in a painful way, as if she feared leaving behind the things she loved. She believed in healing even in the harshest moments, and she spoke of the coming days as if they were very near, while the disease slowly and painfully stole her from us, unseen. For all this... I initially wanted to apologize for writing this review. I felt that the novel would not just be another literary text for me, but rather a direct confrontation with memory, with loss, and with those faces that never left my heart. But after long hesitation, I realized that writing about it would be a form of loyalty. So I wrote... I wrote to immortalize the memory of my mother, and the soul of my dear sister Maha Abu Surour, and for everyone who endured this pain with patience and love, then departed, leaving an indelible mark on our souls. And I also wrote because this novel does not only speak of illness; it speaks of the human being who stands naked before their fragility, yet still tries to love life, and to illuminate the darkness of others, even if their heart is heavy with pain. Hence, this reading came mixed with memory, pain, loyalty, and a deep belief that true literature is that which makes us see ourselves within its pages. The novel "Wings of Hope and Light" by the writer Razan Nawaf Hilmi Al-Rabi is a humanitarian and emotional work that leans on pain as a passage to light, and makes the suffering of cancer patients a narrative material pulsating with life, awareness, and hope. The writer Razan Nawaf Hilmi Al-Rabi is considered one of the young Arab literary voices that have begun to emerge in the field of humanitarian and social novels with a psychological and emotional character. Her name has recently been associated with the publication of her novel "Wings of Hope and Light," which dealt with the issue of cancer patients and their psychological and human suffering in a language dominated by contemplative sensibility and a spiritual dimension. According to available information, Razan Al-Rabi is from Jordan and also works in teaching Arabic, which explains the presence of emotional literary language in her texts, and her reliance on rhetorical images and poetic structures. Her style also shows a clear inclination towards humanitarian literature that focuses on psychological pain, the internal transformations of characters, questions of life and death, and the value of hope in the face of brokenness. Her novel "Wings of Hope and Light" has been described as belonging to contemporary social humanitarian literature, as it views cancer as a complete existential experience that reshapes the human being from within, and pushes them to review the meaning of life, relationships, and self-awareness. By tracing the novel's language and structure, prominent features in Razan Al-Rabi's literary experience can be observed, among them: - Her reliance on emotional narration more than event-driven narration. - The use of the duality of light and darkness as a symbol of psychological transformation. - Focusing on the emotional human dimension of the characters. - Using transparent language saturated with luminous and emotional metaphors. - An inclination towards motivational and contemplative discourse that gives the text a spiritual character. The writer also seems interested in highlighting the role of writing as a means of resistance and psychological healing, which is clearly evident in the character of "Salma," the novel's protagonist, in whom writing transforms into an act of internal salvation. The novel was published by Al-Sara Initiative for Printing and Distribution, and came in (174) pages within contemporary social literature. Despite her recent presence in the novelistic scene, Razan Al-Rabi's experience reveals a clear human sensitivity and an interest in literature that touches upon harsh human experiences, especially those related to loss, illness, and psychological resilience, which makes her writing closer to "literature of human solace" that seeks to give the reader a sense of hope and the ability to continue despite pain. The novel, although seemingly a story of a cancer patient, is at its core a novel about the human being when pushed to the brink of their fragility, suddenly discovering that life is greater than pain, and that the soul is capable of creating light even in the darkest moments. The novel "Wings of Hope and Light" by the writer Razan Nawaf Hilmi Al-Rabi is based on a human narrative structure that transcends the concept of therapeutic novel or illness novel to a wider and deeper space, as the illness experience within the text transforms into a philosophical and spiritual passage that re-examines the meaning of humanity, the usefulness of pain, and the soul's ability to repair itself even in the most fragile moments. Hence, the true value of the novel lies in the narrative event alongside its emotional power, and in its ability to transform individual experience into a general human question that touches the reader from within. From the very first moment the eye falls on the title of the novel "Wings of Hope and Light," the reader feels that they are facing a text that tells a story and seeks to build a dense symbolic world in which words transform into luminous beings, and pain transforms into a spiritual material that reshapes the human being from within. The title, in addition to performing an identifying function, represents the major interpretive gateway through which the reader enters the psychological and human space of the novel. The writer Razan Nawaf Hilmi Al-Rabi did not choose her words arbitrarily, but rather built her title on three adjacent symbolic pillars: "Wings," "Hope," and "Light," a trinity that establishes from the outset the idea of spiritual soaring and internal triumph over the fragility of the body. In a time when human experience intensifies between the fragility of the body and the pressure of consciousness, the novel "Wings of Hope and Light" emerges to place the human being in a naked confrontation with their utmost limits, so illness is no longer a medical event; rather, it transforms into a comprehensive existential experience that re-dismantles the self's relationship with itself and with the world. The novel opens from its very first threshold to the question of meaning in the moment of brokenness, at a time when grand certainties recede in favor of an internal anxiety that seeps into the details of daily perception, so the body becomes a field of threat, time an unstable space, and identity a structure capable of continuous reshaping. In this context, meaning is established within the deep psychological dimension of the characters, and narration transforms into a mechanism for understanding internal turmoil more than a mere transmission of events. The illness experience here acts as a catalyst for self-disclosure, as the character is forced to reconsider their relationship with pain, with death, with others, and with the future, making the novel closer to a literary study in the formation of consciousness under existential pressure. The importance of this text is manifested in its rephrasing of the concept of hope as a complex psychological structure that forms within the moment of collapse, appearing as an internal mechanism for reorganizing psychological chaos and preventing the complete disintegration of the self. The therapeutic dimension also intertwines with the symbolic dimension, which works to transform language, narration, and human relationships into means for rebuilding meaning within a constantly shaken world. Hence, the psychological approach to the text gains its importance, as it allows for the uncovering of the deep layers of the narrative experience, and understanding how the character transitions from a state of brokenness to a state of gradual adaptation through a path where anxiety intertwines with consciousness, pain with reinterpretation, and absence with an attempt to regain presence. In this sense, the novel offers a reflection on the human being who is forced to reinvent themselves within the harshest experiences of existence. The novel "Wings of Hope and Light" is based on a narrative structure that can be read from a psychological perspective that works to deconstruct Salma's inner world and reshape it in the context of a severe illness experience in which the narrative is formed to trace complex psychological transformations where trauma intertwines with consciousness, collapse with rebalancing, and anxiety with attempts at adaptation. The psychological experience begins at the moment of illness discovery, as the shock manifests as a sudden penetration of the previously stable psychological structure, causing an internal collapse that affects the sense of control and certainty. In this context, the feeling of physical and psychological security disintegrates, and consciousness begins to enter a state of turmoil ranging from denial, bewilderment, and confusion. This stage can be understood in light of the psychological concept of trauma as a moment when the event exceeds the psychological apparatus's ability to absorb, opening the way for a radical reorganization of the self. As the illness experience continues, the narrative moves to a deeper level of psychological analysis, represented by the formation of existential anxiety. Fear is no longer linked to physical pain as much as it expands to include fear of loss, identity change, and the exposure of bodily limitations. Here, the perception of time changes, and the future becomes a source of threat instead of a field for extension, while the present intensifies as a moment laden with consciousness and fragility. This transformation reflects a radical reshaping of the relationship between the self and time, making time a pressing element that constantly reproduces anxiety. Hope also crystallizes as a complex psychological defense mechanism rather than a simple emotional state. It works to reorganize internal chaos by transforming the painful experience into a possibility for continuation, an ability to coexist with pain, and to reinterpret it within a psychological structure seeking balance in the form of psychological transcendence that allows the self to remain in the face of threat without complete collapse. Salma's character takes a gradual psychological path based on oscillation between brokenness and rebuilding, passing through a series of emotional transformations in which feelings of fear, rejection, acceptance, and the search for a new meaning of existence intertwine. This gradual progression reflects the nature of psychological adaptation to chronic traumas in which balance is achieved through a long process of internal re-evaluation, so the previous identity gradually disintegrates and a more conscious identity of its fragility is formed, more capable of adapting to the new reality. Illness in the novel represents a revealing element of the character's deep psychological structure, as the occurrence of pain re-dismantles the self's internal and external relationships, and the body transforms into an object of consciousness instead of being a natural extension of it, creating a state of bodily alienation, so the self becomes in a position of continuous monitoring of its body, and this separation between the self and the body reflects a deep psychological tension that reshapes the character's perception of their existence. Human relationships play a crucial role in restoring psychological balance within the text through the character of Youssef, who appears as a psychological support element that contributes to alleviating the intensity of internal anxiety without turning into an external rescue force. The relationship between him and Salma is based on emotional companionship, not on direct solutions, which reflects the nature of social support that has become an essential factor in psychological adaptation to illness, and this type of relationship reproduces the concept of healing as a participatory, not individual, process. In contrast, secondary characters play a symbolic role in expanding the psychological experience. The child Laila represents a model of innocence not conditioned by pathological awareness, which creates a psychological contrast that highlights the impact of the illness experience on the formation of perception. As for the psychological support characters, they contribute to highlighting the idea of collective healing as a space where individual pain intersects with shared human experience. Illness in the novel manifests as a tool for reorganizing consciousness; it reveals the limits of human strength and redefines the relationship between humans, their bodies, and their time. This revelation leads to a slow rebuilding of the self through which pain transforms into a cognitive element that contributes to producing a new, deeper awareness of human fragility. Writing also appears within the text as a psychological mechanism for organizing internal experience; it works to rephrase pain and transform it into a controllable meaning. From this perspective, writing becomes a form of symbolic therapy that allows for the alleviation of psychological tension and the rebuilding of self-control. As for the narrative time, it takes a non-linear psychological form and is measured by the intensity of the emotional experience, so time expands or contracts depending on the psychological state, which reflects the nature of subjective time in psychology, whereby temporal perception becomes dependent on the emotional state, not on objective sequence. In light of this analysis, the novel can be seen as a literary representation of the psychological adaptation process to traumatic illness, in which psychological defense mechanisms intertwine with identity reconstruction to reshape the self's relationship with the world. Through this transformation, it is revealed that hope, human relationships, and writing are deep psychological mechanisms that contribute to the continuation of the self and the reproduction of its meaning within an experience that constantly threatens this meaning. After this extension imposed by memory on the reading, the novel "Wings of Hope and Light" became a text approached with a critic's eye on the one hand, and a space where writing intersects with human experience in its most fragile and honest moments on the other. The distance between the reader and the text receded, and I found myself in a state of quiet recall of faces that never left my heart despite their absence, for the novel reopened doors I thought had been closed long ago. And the title was the beginning of a slight internal confusion, like the tremor of memory suddenly recalled, so "Wings of Hope and Light" seemed to carry more than just words, pointing to that hidden thread that connects humans to their lives when paths narrow, and survival becomes an unseen act of silent resistance. As the reading progressed, the fictional character was no longer separate from reality, as Salma's features began to intertwine with images I knew well, with faces that had gone through the same experience of pain, and with stations of loss that left their mark within without fading. At that point, illness became a general human condition that recurs in different forms, but leaves the same effect on the soul, that tension between the fear of fading and the desire to continue. The presence of hope in the novel crept in quietly, a subtle state like light passing over a tired wall; it did not lift the pain, but it changed the way it was viewed, for suffering itself can be seen from another, more merciful, less harsh angle. And at that precise moment, meaning began to form outside the text, and within the reader's personal experience, so reading intertwined with memory without a clear separation between them. With each page, time seemed softer, and the novel rearranged the feeling of what had happened; voices intersected between past and present, and absent faces reappeared for a brief moment, reminding that love does not end with absence, and that human impact is not erased even when its owners depart. At the moment the reading reached its end, that deep silence remained, following the confrontation with something greater than words. I felt that the novel left a small window open to the inside, a window that does not allow forgetting, but grants a slight ability to understand, and to coexist with the unforgettable. Writing about this text has become a form of human response to an experience that touches the essence of existence, for some texts do not end on the last page, but continue quietly within, reshaping the way life is viewed without announcing it. The reading ended on the evening of Saturday, May 9, 2026 - near a window overlooking a silent city breathing slowly between light and shadows - I write my signature to capture a fleeting moment in time before it quietly withdraws - I feel a warm inner calm like the reassurance that comes after long contemplation; to give the heart a chance to hear itself before it departs.

Military vehicles belonging to the Israeli occupation army stormed the campus of Al-Quds University in the town of Abu Dis, located southeast of occupied Jerusalem, this Monday morning. Local sources reported that heavily armed soldiers spread throughout the university facilities, causing panic among students and faculty. They stopped a number of students and subjected them to field investigations before the forces withdrew from the area without any arrests being made inside the university campus.

In the context of the ongoing restrictions on Jerusalemites, occupation forces launched an arrest campaign targeting a Palestinian woman at the eastern entrance to the town of Al-Isawiya, where her private vehicle was confiscated and she was taken to an unknown destination. The forces also arrested four young men while they were passing through the Al-Zaim military checkpoint north of the city. This coincided with the tightening of military measures and the establishment of additional checkpoints around the town of Hizma, which significantly obstructed the movement of citizens.

For his part, Ma'rouf Al-Rifai, spokesman for the Jerusalem Governorate, warned of the danger of systematic Israeli escalation inside the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque. He explained in press statements to media sources that the intensification of incursions and allowing the raising of Israeli flags represents an attempt to impose a new temporal and spatial reality, primarily aimed at seizing the powers of the Islamic Endowments and asserting full control over the holy sites.

Al-Aqsa Mosque courtyards witnessed widespread violations yesterday, as hundreds of extremist settlers stormed the mosque from the Mughrabi Gate under tight security protection. Sources reported that the invading groups reached the Dome of the Rock area, raised Israeli flags, and chanted the official anthem, coinciding with the performance of Talmudic rituals and provocative tours throughout the prayer area, reflecting the extent of the Judaization campaign the holy city is subjected to.

Raising Israeli flags in Al-Aqsa and expanding incursions come within the framework of imposing a new reality and undermining the powers of the Islamic Endowments.

Prominent British surgeon, Professor Nick Maynard, gave a shocking medical testimony about the humanitarian and medical conditions in the Gaza Strip, confirming his observation of deliberate and systematic targeting patterns carried out by occupation army snipers against children and civilians. Maynard, who previously served as head of surgery at Oxford University Hospitals, explained that these conclusions were based on his direct examination of hundreds of cases during his voluntary work in the Strip's hospitals.

The British surgeon, who worked with the 'Medical Aid for Palestinians' organization, stated that his field experience included Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Younis and Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in the central region. He pointed out that medical teams repeatedly observed an abnormal frequency of injuries arriving at operating rooms, where bullet wounds were concentrated in vital areas of children's and adolescents' bodies in a highly alarming manner.

According to the testimony, hospitals on certain days received large numbers of injured individuals with direct shots to the head, neck, or abdomen, which are precise injuries that cannot be described as random. Maynard added that these targeting incidents significantly increased in areas near humanitarian aid distribution points and gatherings of civilians searching for a livelihood, reinforcing the hypothesis of deliberate sniping.

The British professor addressed the enormous surgical challenges faced by doctors, noting that the severe malnutrition suffered by children in Gaza often made saving their lives almost impossible. He explained that many complex surgical operations failed due to the weak ability of emaciated bodies to recover or heal deep wounds caused by explosive bullets.

Maynard's testimony was not limited to field injuries; he also conveyed horrific testimonies from his Palestinian doctor and nurse colleagues who had been arrested. These cadres reported after their release that they had been subjected to various forms of ill-treatment and physical and psychological torture inside Israeli detention centers, including deliberate targeting of sensitive areas of their bodies to leave permanent marks.

These statements sparked a wide wave of interaction on social media platforms and human rights forums, where observers considered them an additional document of condemnation added to the record of international reports documenting violations against the health system. Maynard's testimony gains particular importance given his prestigious scientific standing in Britain and his long experience in dealing with complex surgeries in conflict zones.

These facts come at a time when international warnings continue about the collapse of what remains of the health system in the Gaza Strip as a result of the siege and continuous targeting. Medical sources confirm that the testimonies of foreign doctors returning from Gaza have become a fundamental pillar in understanding the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe facing civilians, especially the most vulnerable groups such as children and women.

The nature of these injuries and their recurrence in sensitive and identical locations in children suggests clear deliberate targeting.

The administration of Al-Shifa Medical Complex announced an unprecedented medical and educational achievement in the Gaza Strip, where the final examination for the Palestinian Board in Psychiatry was organized for the first time within the Strip. The examination ceremonies were held in full coordination with the Palestinian Medical Council in Ramallah via 'Zoom' video conferencing technology.

Medical sources confirmed that this event represents a fundamental pillar in the development of specialized Palestinian human cadres, emphasizing that investing in the Palestinian individual is the ultimate goal of the health system. This success comes amidst severe challenges facing the health sector as a result of the siege and continuous aggression.

For his part, the Director-General of the General Administration of Mental Health and head of the Scientific Committee, Abdullah Al-Jamal, explained that holding this examination is the culmination of the efforts of the first cohort in this precise specialization. Al-Jamal considered this step to be the first fruit of the Palestinian national training program directly supervised by the Medical Council.

The halls of Al-Shifa Medical Complex witnessed the two female doctors, Safaa Shaqoura and Mai Abdel Aal, taking the examination, making them the first two candidates to obtain this higher specialized certificate from within the Gaza Strip. This progress reflects the determination of female medical competencies to excel in complex scientific fields despite all obstacles.

A specialized scientific committee, including Dr. Yasser Al-Shaer and Dr. Amal Abu Abada, supervised the examination process. Field follow-up was also carried out by Dr. Tawfiq Salman, responsible for the Examinations Committee in the Palestinian Medical Council for Psychiatry, to ensure integrity and academic standards.

The Scientific Committee expressed its deep appreciation to the office of the Palestinian Medical Council in Gaza, which accompanied the trainee doctors throughout their preparation period. Officials praised the efforts made to organize and ensure the success of the examination committees under the exceptional circumstances experienced by the medical sector in Gaza.

This academic achievement comes at a time when the health sector is suffering from systematic targeting that has affected both facilities and medical personnel. This targeting has led to an exacerbation of humanitarian crises and a sharp deterioration in health services provided to citizens due to a lack of resources and equipment.

Official statistics issued by the Ministry of Health indicate that the occupation army has killed more than 1701 medical personnel since October 2023. These figures reflect the magnitude of the sacrifices made by the Palestinian health sector in order to continue providing medical and educational services.

Despite these heavy human losses, medical institutions in Gaza insist on continuing training and higher education programs to ensure that hospitals are supplied with rare specializations. Psychiatry is considered one of the vital specializations urgently needed by Palestinian society due to successive psychological traumas.

The successful holding of the Board examination in Gaza sends a strong message about the ability of Palestinian institutions to overcome geographical division and work in a spirit of teamwork. Doctors in Gaza affirm that the path of knowledge will not stop, and that building specialized cadres is the optimal response to attempts to ignorant and destroy society.

Our capital is the Palestinian individual, and we will continue to invest in them as long as we live.

Local sources and Palestinian media reported on Monday that groups of settlers began carrying out extensive bulldozing operations in preparation for establishing a new settlement outpost in the Al-Auja area north of Jericho. These field movements come in the context of escalating intensive settlement activity witnessed in the Jordan Valley areas of the occupied West Bank, with the aim of tightening control over natural resources and open spaces.

Human rights sources quoted Hassan Malihat, the general supervisor of the 'Al-Baydar' organization for the defense of Bedouin rights, as saying that large numbers of settlers stormed the area, reinforced by heavy equipment and bulldozers. Malihat explained that this step aims directly to impose a new colonial reality on the ground and to restrict Palestinian communities that depend on these lands for grazing their livestock and securing their livelihoods.

Malihat pointed out that the Al-Auja area already suffers from the presence of seven previous colonial pastoral outposts, which are used as strategic tools to control vast areas of Palestinian land. He warned that the intensification of these outposts threatens the historical Palestinian presence in the Jordan Valley areas and pushes towards isolating villages and towns from their natural and geographical surroundings as part of a systematic policy of settlement expansion.

The Al-Auja area has special strategic and environmental importance, as its name is linked to a historical water spring located within an area classified as a nature reserve, which has made it a constant target for settlement projects. The area has faced repeated attacks for years aimed at seizing water sources and encircling the Bedouin population, in an attempt to entrench the policies of de facto annexation and forced displacement pursued by the occupation authorities.

For his part, Hamas leader Mahmoud Mardawi stated that the establishment of this new outpost represents a dangerous escalation in settlement activity and a blatant challenge to all international laws and warnings. Mardawi affirmed in a press statement that these repressive measures will not succeed in changing the identity of the Palestinian land or granting legitimacy to the settlement presence, but will rather lead to an increase in popular anger and adherence to national rights.

Mardawi called on the Palestinian people to strengthen their presence in the areas targeted by settlement and to remain there to protect them from confiscation, demanding that international and human rights institutions move from condemnation to action. He stressed the need to take practical steps to hold the occupation accountable for its continuous violations that disregard all international conventions that consider settlement a war crime.

It is worth noting that the West Bank is witnessing an unprecedented acceleration in the pace of settlement construction and the legalization of random outposts, despite widespread international criticism from the United Nations and most countries of the world. These parties consider all settlement activities in the territories occupied in 1967 to be illegal and to impede any future opportunities for achieving stability or establishing a geographically contiguous Palestinian state.

The establishment of the new settlement outpost represents a dangerous escalation and is part of the occupation's attempts to impose facts by force in defiance of international warnings.

The area near the 'Gush Etzion' settlement bloc, located south of Bethlehem, witnessed a ramming attack carried out by a Palestinian youth this Sunday evening. Field sources reported that a Palestinian vehicle sped towards a group of settlers and occupation soldiers stationed at the location, resulting in several direct injuries among them before the military forces present intervened.

The operation resulted in four settlers sustaining injuries of varying degrees, with two of them described as serious. Occupation ambulances rushed to the scene to transport the injured to nearby hospitals. Following the incident, occupation forces imposed a tight security cordon around the area and began extensive search operations and road closures leading to the settlement bloc.

For its part, the Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed the identity of the perpetrator, stating the martyrdom of Amjad Jawad Abdul Fattah Al-Natsha, a resident of Hebron. Al-Natsha's martyrdom came after occupation soldiers fired a heavy barrage of live ammunition at his vehicle immediately after the ramming attack, leading to fatal injuries from which he died at the scene.

In political reactions, the Hamas movement praised the operation, considering it a natural response to the settlement policies and repeated aggressions against the Palestinian people and their land. The movement stated in a communiqué that these operations prove the occupation's failure to break the will of the resistance, emphasizing that plans aimed at displacing Palestinians or annexing their lands will be met with increasing popular anger at all points of contact.

The movement also clarified that the blood of martyrs and the sacrifices of Palestinian youth are the guarantee to thwart Judaization projects targeting holy sites and established national rights. It affirmed that the escalation of resistance in the West Bank sends a clear message to the occupation that stability will not be achieved as long as aggression and siege continue, and that the Palestinian people are committed to defending themselves by all available means.

The operation confirms that our Palestinian people will not be intimidated by the crimes of the occupation and the brutality of the settlers, and will not stand idly by in the face of continuous aggression.

The Civil Defense apparatus in the Gaza Strip is facing a state of institutional demise as a result of systematic Israeli targeting that has affected its infrastructure, with field reports indicating the destruction of about 90% of its vehicles and heavy equipment. This crisis comes at a time when the demand for rescue services is escalating due to the high intensity of Israeli targeting of civilians, in addition to the increasing frequency of fires inside overcrowded displaced persons camps housing hundreds of thousands of citizens.

Ahmed Radwan, media director for Civil Defense in Rafah, stated that the system is on the verge of complete cessation of operations, explaining that most of the vehicles deployed in the Strip are effectively out of service. Radwan confirmed that the tight siege has prevented the entry of any ambulance or rescue equipment since the ceasefire agreement came into effect last October, exacerbating the inability of crews to respond to repeated distress calls.

Western areas of Khan Yunis city are witnessing increasing field complexities, with sources reporting that the occupation carries out an average of three raids daily targeting tents and residential apartments despite the declared truce. These attacks coincide with a wave of fires breaking out in displaced persons gatherings, as residents are forced to use alternative and dangerous materials such as wood and plastic for cooking due to the complete lack of cooking gas and fuel.

In a recent tragic incident, fires consumed at least five tents in the Roni Street area of Mawasi Khan Yunis, resulting in varying injuries among the displaced, most of whom were children. These incidents reflect the security and living fragility experienced by approximately 700,000 displaced persons crowded into a narrow geographical area between Mawasi Khan Yunis and Rafah Governorate, which is classified as one of the most densely populated areas in the world.

Civil Defense leadership has been forced to adopt a coercive priority system reflecting the extent of the deficit, where top priority is given to rescue operations resulting from occupation targeting, followed by fires and accidental incidents, while medical transport and birth cases come last. This arrangement practically means that many humanitarian calls go unanswered, threatening the lives of thousands of patients and injured individuals who have no means of transport to the remaining medical centers.

Official Civil Defense bodies held the Israeli occupation fully responsible for the paralysis of international organizations' work within the Strip, noting that the Red Cross and UN organizations provide only 10% of actual needs. These institutions face strict Israeli restrictions and conditions that hinder the movement of their crews and prevent the entry of necessary equipment, leaving Civil Defense alone to face burdens that exceed its human and material capabilities.

In terms of human losses, the apparatus has lost more than 48% of its specialized personnel, including martyrs, injured, and prisoners, in addition to the complete destruction of 14 vital centers. Despite the display of international civil protection emblems on 56 vehicles targeted by the occupation, this did not prevent their direct shelling while performing their humanitarian duties, amidst international demands for opening a safe humanitarian corridor to allow the entry of rescue equipment to save what can be saved of civilian lives.

The institution is on the verge of complete cessation, and approximately 90% of Civil Defense vehicles in the Gaza Strip have either been destroyed or disabled during the war.

Recent satellite images, taken up to May 2026, have revealed the continued expansion of the Israeli military presence within the Gaza Strip, contrary to the terms of the ceasefire agreement signed seven months ago. Field analyses of the captured images showed the establishment of new military sites and the development of existing ones, with the addition of fortifications, trenches, and areas designated for the deployment of heavy machinery.

Sources observed the presence of 40 Israeli military points distributed across the geography of the Strip, including 8 sites that were entirely established after the ceasefire agreement came into effect in October 2025. These points are strategically located near separation and control lines, enhancing the occupation army's ability to stifle Palestinian population centers and control their movement.

Comparing images taken in October 2025 and May 2026 indicates that the occupation exploited the period of calm to strengthen its military infrastructure. The new sites included two areas in northern Gaza, one site in Juhor ad-Dik, two sites in the central region, in addition to 3 sites in Khan Yunis city in the south.

In the Juhor ad-Dik area, east of Gaza City, areas that were open in October 2025 had transformed into an emerging military base by May 2026. Sequential images showed that engineering works and earth embankments began in March 2026, confirming that construction took place during a period that was supposed to see a gradual withdrawal.

As for the town of Beit Lahia in the northern part of the Strip, images revealed the completion of the external structure of a new military site and its equipping with advanced internal facilities. Work on this site began in November 2025 and gradually developed until it became an organized military point capable of permanently accommodating combat units and military vehicles.

In a blatant violation of sacred sites, satellite images showed the establishment of a military point in Khan Yunis city directly on the ruins of the Eastern Cemetery. Field preparations at this site reveal large areas for the deployment of vehicles and structures that may be used as operational facilities or sleeping quarters for soldiers and operations officers.

It was not limited to newly established sites; the changes also included a significant expansion of military points that were already in place when the agreement was signed. In one base east of Gaza City, the total area increased by up to 70%, with the addition of new defensive fortifications and the reorganization of internal pathways to facilitate vehicle movement.

In the central region, images detected the excavation of deep trenches around military sites, a step that clearly indicates the occupation's intention to prolong its field presence and secure its forces against any potential attacks. These engineering works reflect a strategic direction towards transforming temporary points into permanent and heavily fortified bases.

The Netzarim Corridor stands out as one of the most important military strongholds, with images detecting the presence of 3 military sites around it to ensure the continued separation of the northern part of the Strip from its south. This deployment gives the occupation army full fire and field control over key movement corridors, hindering the return to normal life for Palestinian citizens.

These data confirm that Israel has not adhered to the gradual withdrawal provisions stipulated in the American initiative proposed by Donald Trump. Instead of evacuating sites, they have been reinforced with infrastructure including internal roads, earth embankments, and meeting areas, suggesting that the army is preparing for a long-term stay within the Strip's borders.

This military expansion comes at a time when field violations continue, with the Ministry of Health recording the martyrdom of 929 Palestinians since the ceasefire agreement came into effect last October. These figures reflect the fragility of the agreement amidst ongoing Israeli military operations and the construction of new bases within residential neighborhoods.

According to official statistics, the total toll of the comprehensive Israeli aggression since October 2023 has risen to over 72,000 martyrs and 172,000 injured. Images show that the current military presence surrounds populated areas, threatening to increase this toll if any new confrontations erupt from these bases.

Observers believe that these engineering movements aim to impose a new geographical reality that will be difficult to change in any future political negotiations. The construction of 40 military points means transforming the Gaza Strip into a militarily fragmented area, where each area is under direct control from surrounding bases, undermining any chance for genuine Palestinian sovereignty.

With construction work continuing as observed up to the date of the last image in May 2026, the number of military sites is likely to increase in the coming weeks. This reality presents international mediators with the challenge of compelling the occupation to adhere to the agreed-upon withdrawal schedule and preventing Gaza from becoming a permanent military barracks under the guise of a ceasefire.

The Israeli military presence within the Strip has not receded as stipulated by the agreement; instead, it has seen a remarkable expansion through the establishment of more organized and sustainable infrastructure.

A Palestinian vehicle was subjected to a violent attack by a group of settlers on Monday evening while passing near the 'Shilo' settlement, which is built on citizens' lands south of Nablus city. Local sources reported that the settlers intercepted the vehicle and pelted it directly with stones, resulting in injuries among its occupants.

The assault resulted in varying degrees of injuries to three children who were inside the vehicle. A 14-year-old child sustained a head injury from a stone, and his condition was described as moderate. Two other children suffered minor injuries due to flying shattered glass fragments, and all were transported to the Sinjil Medical Center for necessary treatment.

In a parallel escalation, settlers set fire to vast areas of olive-planted agricultural lands between the towns of Turmus Ayya and Abu Falah, northeast of Ramallah. Eyewitnesses stated that the fire consumed a large number of ancient trees in the area amidst desperate attempts by residents to control the blaze.

Israeli army forces intervened in the area to provide protection for the attacking settlers after citizens confronted them and forced them to retreat. Instead of extinguishing the fire, Israeli forces prevented Palestinian civil defense teams from reaching the site, which led to the expansion of the fire and increased material losses.

Nablus Governorate was not spared from these attacks, as settlers set fire to agricultural lands in the village of Duma, south of the city. The fires were concentrated near the village entrance, causing damage to dozens of olive trees, which constitute a primary source of livelihood for Palestinian families in that rural area.

In eastern Ramallah, farmers reported that settlers destroyed agricultural crops by releasing their livestock to graze on private citizens' lands. This step is part of a systematic policy to pressure farmers and force them to abandon their lands in preparation for their seizure for settlement expansion.

West Bank cities and villages have witnessed an unprecedented escalation in settler and army attacks since the start of the aggression on the Gaza Strip in October 2023. These attacks vary between direct killing, arrest, and the daily destruction of infrastructure and private and public property.

According to official data published by the Government Media Office, more than 1,168 Palestinians have been martyred in the West Bank since October 7th. Medical teams also recorded injuries to approximately 12,666 others, amid continued military incursions into Palestinian camps and cities.

Statistics also indicate the arrest of nearly 23,000 citizens in recent months, in addition to the displacement of 33,000 from their homes as a result of demolition policies and military pressure. These figures confirm the scale of the fierce attack targeting the Palestinian presence in all governorates.

Settler attacks continue under legal and military cover from the occupation authorities, which prevent residents from defending themselves or their property. Observers warn that giving settlers free rein in the Palestinian countryside will lead to further security and humanitarian deterioration in the region.

Occupation forces stormed the area to provide protection for the settlers and prevented civil defense teams from reaching the fire site to extinguish it.

The Islamic Republic of Iran announced today, Monday, the suspension of all channels of dialogue and exchange of messages with the United States of America, which were taking place through international mediators. This sudden decision came amid escalating Israeli military operations in Lebanon and the ongoing war in the Gaza Strip, which brought the initial understandings between Tehran and Washington to the brink of complete collapse.

Media sources close to decision-making circles in Tehran reported that the Iranian negotiating delegation decided to stop exchanging messages due to the non-observance of ceasefire conditions on various fronts. The sources confirmed that the Iranian side views the continuation of Zionist attacks on Lebanon as a fundamental breach of the commitments that preceded the start of indirect dialogue rounds.

Iranian officials stressed that returning to the negotiating table is organically linked to the immediate cessation of all hostile military operations in Gaza and Lebanon. Iranian conditions also included the necessity of the withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from all territories they recently infiltrated in southern Lebanon, considering that the 'resistance front' must give its approval to any future agreement.

For his part, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman, Ismail Baqaei, affirmed that his country considers a ceasefire in Lebanon a 'fundamental condition' for any agreement aimed at ending the ongoing regional conflict. Baqaei clarified in a press conference that Tehran will not hesitate to take the necessary measures to protect its national security and support its allies in confronting what he described as continuous aggression.

In a related context, Iranian Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, stated that any understanding with Washington must be comprehensive and indivisible, covering all inflamed fronts. Araghchi held the United States and Israel fully responsible for the consequences of violating the truce in effect since last April, pointing out that the fronts are interconnected.

On the ground, the Israeli occupation army issued urgent warnings to evacuate residents in the southern suburb of Beirut, threatening to resume heavy shelling of the area, which is considered a stronghold of Hezbollah. These threats come after a period of relative calm witnessed in the Lebanese capital, indicating an Israeli intention to expand the scope of military operations.

In Washington, the American administration adopts a different view, demanding that Hezbollah must first cease fire as a preemptive step for any de-escalation in Beirut. The Israeli government, with the support of US President Donald Trump, opposes any official link between the course of negotiations with Iran and the ongoing military operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Recent hours witnessed a direct escalation between Tehran and Washington, as the US Central Command (CENTCOM) announced the execution of 'defensive' strikes targeting radar facilities in southern Iran. US military sources said these strikes came in response to the downing of one of its drones over international waters in the strategic Strait of Hormuz region.

Iran's Revolutionary Guard responded by announcing the targeting of a military base used by US forces to launch attacks against Iranian territory, without disclosing its precise location. This coincided with an announcement by authorities in Kuwait of the interception of missiles and drones flying in its airspace, reflecting the widening scope of direct confrontation between the two parties.

Reports indicate that the latest American proposal conveyed by President Trump includes extending the ceasefire for an additional sixty days. The proposal includes provisions related to reopening the Strait of Hormuz to international navigation and setting a new timeframe for resuming negotiations on Iran's nuclear program, which Tehran views with extreme caution.

In this context, the Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, affirmed that his country will not sign any agreement that does not fully and clearly guarantee the rights of the Iranian people. He clarified that the top priority at present is to end the war and stop the bloodshed, away from complex technical issues that may take longer.

These developments reflect a state of cultural and political divergence in crisis management, just as Iranian cinema, with its realism and sadness, differs from American cinema, which glorifies individual heroism. While the Iranian film 'A Hero' focuses on moral values and historical connection, American films like 'Hero' tend towards happy endings and action, which is evident in the current divergence of political views.

Observers believe that the Strait of Hormuz has become Iran's political 'nuclear bomb' in this confrontation, as Tehran uses its influence in the waterway to pressure the global economy. This comes at a time when President Trump continues to emphasize the enormous economic losses Iran incurs daily as a result of sanctions and military tensions.

The regional scene remains suspended between faltering diplomacy and military escalation that threatens an all-out war, amid each party's insistence on its preconditions. With the continued Israeli shelling of southern Lebanon, the chances of reaching an imminent agreement recede, opening the door to scenarios open to all possibilities in the Middle East.

A ceasefire between Iran and the United States is, without any ambiguity, a comprehensive ceasefire on all fronts, including Lebanon.

The British Home Office unexpectedly announced the cancellation of entry visas for American leftist commentators Cenk Uygur and Hasan Piker, preventing them from participating in cultural and political events scheduled to be held in London and Oxford. A brief statement from the ministry indicated that the presence of the two figures in the United Kingdom might not serve the public good, without providing additional details about the nature of the alleged threats.

British authorities affirmed that the ban decisions are based on accurate assessments of potential risks to society, noting that the door theoretically remains open for submitting new visa applications in the future. However, the official statement did not touch upon any political implications, contenting itself with the general legal framework that grants the government the authority to exclude individuals based on its security assessments.

In contrast, Cenk Uygur, founder of 'The Young Turks' news network, presented a completely different account, asserting that he was prevented from boarding the plane to London due to his declared stances on Israel. Uygur questioned, via social media platforms, the seriousness of the West in protecting freedom of expression when it comes to criticizing Israeli policies in the Palestinian territories.

For his part, the famous influencer Hasan Piker went further, accusing the British government of succumbing to direct pressure from the Israeli side to cancel his visa. Piker considered this measure a systematic targeting of voices that highlight the crimes committed in the Gaza Strip and criticize the political influence of pro-occupation lobbies in Western capitals.

These developments coincided with reports revealing an intense pressure campaign by pro-Israel organizations within Britain, demanding Piker's exclusion from the international 'South by Southwest' festival. These organizations accused Piker of promoting hate speech, accusations he vehemently denies, describing them as attempts at character assassination.

The duo was supposed to participate in a discussion panel at the prestigious Oxford University, in addition to their appearance at a prominent technology and media festival that brings together an elite group of global influencers. The event organizers clarified that hosting Uygur and Piker aimed to promote diversity of viewpoints, emphasizing that the platform does not necessarily endorse the speakers' opinions.

Observers believe that the British decision falls within a broader context of restricting activists and media personalities who adopt anti-Israeli policies since the events of October 7th. Criticism directed at the British government has escalated, with human rights activists considering the use of 'public good' as a pretext for the ban to open the door to the politicization of security measures.

It is worth noting that Cenk Uygur, 56, is one of the most prominent progressive media figures in the United States, and has entered the political arena by running for president as a Democrat. His news network is known to millions of followers who derive alternative analyses from it to the official narratives prevalent in traditional media.

Hasan Piker, 34, has built a massive fan base among the youth generation through the 'Twitch' platform, where he presents daily live broadcasts that boldly address political issues. Piker is dubbed the 'voice of the leftist internet generation,' and has recently raised concerns among traditional elites in the Democratic Party due to his increasing influence on young voters.

Media sources indicate that British authorities fear that Uygur and Piker's statements could fuel social tensions, especially given the sharp division in the country over the war in Gaza. These sources claim there are concerns about an increase in antisemitic incidents as a result of rhetoric that links Israeli policies with financial and political influence.

The debate over freedom of expression in Britain was not limited to domestic concerns but extended to include statements from former American officials, such as Donald Trump and J.D. Vance, who criticized the decline of freedoms in the United Kingdom. The ban on Uygur and Piker reinforces these fears, especially since the ban affected internationally known media personalities.

In an attempt to justify its position, government sources indicated that the ban policy is not directed against any particular political current, citing the ban of 11 far-right activists earlier this year. However, critics believe that comparing far-right activists with progressive media personalities is a misleading comparison aimed at justifying the suppression of voices critical of Israel.

The question remains about the extent of the impact of these decisions on Britain's image as a country that respects pluralism and freedom of opinion, especially since the ban targeted individuals whose involvement in any illegal acts has not been proven. Researchers believe that this step could lead to counterproductive results, as it increases the popularity of Uygur and Piker and confirms their narrative about the existence of political censorship.

In conclusion, the ban on Uygur and Piker represents a new station in the ongoing conflict between Western authorities and rising progressive currents that challenge traditional foreign policies. With the war in Gaza continuing, it seems that the British arena will remain a stage for more legal and political confrontations over the limits of what can be said in the public sphere.

I was prevented from boarding the plane to London because of my criticism of Israel, are we still free?

Newly published official documents in the British capital, London, have sparked a wave of political controversy after revealing that the government bears full responsibility in the case of the appointment of the former ambassador to Washington, Peter Mandelson. Reports indicated that the appointment came despite prior security warnings regarding his controversial ties to the late sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein, which puts the selection criteria for sovereign positions under scrutiny.

Journalistic sources indicated that the British government did not take the necessary measures to address the serious security concerns that accompanied Mandelson's nomination for this high diplomatic post. Leaked information confirmed that the former ambassador effectively failed to pass the official security screening procedures that precede appointment, yet his installation as the United Kingdom's ambassador to the United States proceeded.

The roots of the crisis go back to a close relationship between Mandelson and Epstein, who was involved in widespread international sexual exploitation scandals that shook the foundations of the global elite. The documents reveal that this relationship was not merely a casual acquaintance, but included serious protocol and security breaches that have raised suspicions among intelligence and oversight agencies in Britain for many years.

In shocking details dating back to 2009, it was revealed that Mandelson, who was then serving as Secretary of State for Business in Gordon Brown's government, sent a confidential internal cabinet document to Epstein. This illegal act prompted the British police at the time to open a criminal investigation against the former minister, which further fueled suspicions about the nature of Epstein's influence over British officials.

Against the backdrop of these successive developments and escalating political and media pressure, Mandelson was forced to resign from his position in 2025. This resignation came after his continued presence in the diplomatic corps became a significant political burden on the government, especially with the emergence of new details about how he bypassed the security scrutiny to which senior officials are subjected.

For his part, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer admitted that he was fully aware of the nature of Mandelson's relationship with Jeffrey Epstein before the decision to appoint him ambassador to Washington. This admission sparked a wave of parliamentary questions about the integrity of appointment standards, and how a person surrounded by security and criminal suspicions was allowed to represent the country in the most important global capitals.

The British government is currently facing demands to open a comprehensive and transparent investigation into how official security checks were circumvented in favor of influential political figures. Observers believe that this scandal could lead to a comprehensive review of all recent diplomatic appointments, to ensure that such failures, which affect national security and Britain's international reputation, are not repeated.

The British government did not address serious security concerns related to Mandelson's appointment to a sensitive position despite his failure in the security screening.

US President Donald Trump revealed the success of mediation efforts in reaching an agreement to halt the mutual military escalation between the Israeli occupation army and Lebanese Hezbollah. Trump clarified in official statements that the new understandings guarantee an immediate ceasefire from both sides, indicating that military movements targeting the Lebanese capital have completely ceased.

The US President affirmed that Israeli military units that were en route to Beirut have been ordered to withdraw and return to their previous positions. This development followed a phone call described by Trump as 'very fruitful' with the head of the occupation government, Benjamin Netanyahu, during which mechanisms for stabilizing the truce and preventing the region from sliding into a comprehensive confrontation were discussed.

In a related context, Trump indicated that communication channels were opened through high-level representatives with Hezbollah's leadership, resulting in the group's agreement to commit to halting offensive operations. Under this agreement, the occupation authorities pledged not to launch any new attacks on Lebanese territory in exchange for Hezbollah ceasing to target Israeli sites, paving the way for relative stability on the northern border.

On the regional diplomatic front, Trump revealed that the US administration is engaged in accelerated negotiations with the Islamic Republic of Iran to reach broader understandings. The US President expressed optimism about the progress of these behind-the-scenes talks, extending his thanks to those following and interested in this complex issue, which the international community is cautiously anticipating.

This surprising announcement comes hours after intense field tension, where Iran issued strong warnings to residents of northern occupied Palestine to evacuate immediately. Tehran had linked these threats to any potential Israeli targeting of the southern suburbs of Beirut, considering that repeated violations of previous peace agreements necessitated a deterrent response before the recent American mediation intervened.

Israeli forces will not head to Beirut, and any forces that were on their way there have already been turned back.

In politics, there are rights seized by force, rights reclaimed by law, and rights lost because they are forgotten.

Over the past decades, Palestinians have fought battles of land, identity, refugees, prisoners, and settlements, but another question has remained in the shadows, as if outside the national agenda:

What happened to the Palestinian financial rights and assets that existed before 1948?

To some, the question might seem secondary given the occupation, siege, settlement, and aggression faced by the Palestinian people, but in reality, it is a question linked to the essence of national and historical justice. Peoples do not only lose their homelands; they can also lose their money, institutions, endowments, and economic rights when the state is absent and the legal structure protecting these rights disintegrates.

Before the Nakba, Palestine had an emerging economy, financial and administrative institutions, endowments, public assets, and funds deposited within the financial system that existed during the British Mandate. With the major political transformations in the region, much of the discussion about the fate of these rights and assets disappeared, and the file remained surrounded by more questions than answers.

The real problem is not the lack of definitive answers yet, but rather that we have not made sufficient institutional national effort to even ask the questions.

In the world of international law, narratives are not enough, political stances are not enough, and emotional speeches are not enough. What creates rights are documents, what preserves them is documentation, and what reclaims them is organized legal action.

Therefore, the issue should not begin with accusing this party or that, nor with making undocumented financial estimates, but rather with launching a comprehensive national project for research, investigation, and documentation.

The question that should be asked of Palestinian institutions today is not: What is the value of historical Palestinian assets?

But rather: Do we even have a unified national registry for these rights?

Is there a national database that collects information related to Palestinian funds, deposits, endowments, and public assets dating back to before 1948?

Is there a specialized legal committee working permanently on this file?

If the answer is no, then the problem lies not only in the loss of rights but also in the absence of a national structure capable of protecting them.

Recent international experiences offer important lessons. Many countries and peoples that were subjected to colonialism did not begin their battles by reclaiming money or property, but rather by first building accurate legal files based on archives, records, and historical documents.

Therefore, the first step required from Palestinians is not to file a lawsuit before an international court, nor to approach the United Nations, but to establish an independent national body to inventory and document historical Palestinian financial rights.

A body that includes historians, economists, lawyers, accountants, and specialists in international archiving, whose mission is to search Palestinian, British, Ottoman, Arab, and international archives, and collect everything related to Palestinian financial assets and rights before the Nakba.

This step alone is sufficient to move the issue from the realm of speculation to the realm of facts.

The second step is to protect any potential rights from future loss by establishing a sovereign fund for historical Palestinian rights.

Some might ask: How can we establish a fund for money that has not yet been recovered?

The answer is simple.

The fund is not just a financial container, but a legal and institutional framework to protect future rights and ensure their transparent and independent management if they are ever recovered.

History teaches us that some peoples succeeded in recovering their financial assets, but later failed to manage them, and the wealth was lost again, but in different hands.

Hence, thinking about managing funds should be part of thinking about recovering them.

The third step is to internationalize the issue within the framework of global colonial justice.

Today, the world is witnessing an increasing discussion about the responsibilities of historical colonial powers towards the peoples under their control. Demands are escalating for the return of looted property, artifacts, money, and historical rights in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

In this context, Palestinian financial rights should not be viewed as an isolated Palestinian file, but as part of a global issue related to historical justice and fairness among peoples.

Transforming the file into an international justice issue gives it broader legitimacy and removes it from the narrow political tug-of-war.

But before all that, we must acknowledge a fundamental truth:

The greatest danger to historical Palestinian rights is not only those who hold them or refuse to recognize them, but the possibility that they will erode due to forgetfulness, neglect, and the absence of institutional action.

Rights do not only expire legally by statute of limitations, but they can practically expire when there is no one to defend, document, and follow up on them generation after generation.

Therefore, I call upon the Palestinian Monetary Authority, the Ministry of Finance, academic institutions, and legal and economic research centers to launch a national initiative to establish the first comprehensive Palestinian registry of historical financial rights and assets.

For there may be something worth searching for among the forgotten archives, and there may be something in neglected documents that reopens files closed decades ago.

Ultimately, it is not just a matter of money.

It is a matter of national memory.

And a matter of legal sovereignty.

And a matter of a people's right to know what they owned, what they lost, and what they can reclaim.

For what is documented is not lost, and what is legally protected remains alive, even if it waits for many decades to return to its owners.

M. Ghassan Jaber

The American President's request, during the conference call with leaders of Arab and Islamic countries, to engage in the Abraham Accords, elicited clear reactions from Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, stating that they would not link any agreement to the Iranian-Israeli war. Instead, the possible link is ending the Israeli occupation of the territories occupied in 1967 or having a credible path to establishing a Palestinian state, meaning focusing on the core of the conflict in the region related primarily to the Israeli occupation.

This request also indicated that Trump is still keen on achieving a political victory for Netanyahu in order to accept the new equation that the United States is drawing for its interests in the region, and perhaps to re-establish relations with Iran.

It seems that the American administration's misreading, which started a war without considering the interests of Arab countries in the Arabian Gulf, has harmed all Arabian Gulf countries from a security perspective; due to Iran's targeting of their territories and economic facilities, especially oil, and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which significantly affected the economic interests of these countries by preventing the free flow of trade, including the export of Gulf oil to the world.

Trump's request, mentioned above, is linked to two issues. The first is to use this war to claim that he achieved peace in the Middle East as an accomplishment for him – i.e., for Trump – on the path to expanding the Abraham Accords by employing American military power to subjugate the region, which is one of his political slogans. The second is an attempt to gain the support of the Zionist lobby in the United States for Republican Party candidates in the congressional midterm elections next November; this is due to his failure to completely subjugate Iran through war or armed force.

In my opinion, the pillars of the American administration fully realize that bringing about change in the Middle East requires a repositioning of the interests of regional powers; especially regarding Israel's ambitions in the region and stopping its aggression against the countries and peoples of the region towards achieving comprehensive peace based on rights, foremost among them the right to self-determination for the Palestinian people, to enhance stability, security, and prosperity in the region.

However, until now, American President Trump has not grasped the essence of the intertwined and interconnected relationships in the Middle East based on history, identity, rights, geography, religion, and economy; for coexistence is not linked to economy and prosperity alone, but rather to recognizing status without wasting any of the inherent interconnected factors in the region and the considerations of each party.

The three Palestinian Arab parties have concluded their negotiations and reached an agreement among themselves to contest the upcoming parliamentary elections, the Israeli Knesset elections, with a single list, unless they can reach an agreement with the fourth party, the "United List" led by Mansour Abbas, to contest the elections within the "Joint List".

The three parties are: 1- The Democratic Front for Peace and Equality led by Yousef Jabareen, 2- The Arab Movement for Change led by Ahmed Tibi, 3- The National Democratic Assembly led by Sami Abu Shehadeh. Through this alliance, they can achieve guaranteed success for the three parties, after they contested the previous twenty-fifth elections held on November 1, 2022, with two separate lists, one for the Democratic Front with the Arab Movement for Change, which won five seats, while the National Democratic Assembly failed to cross the electoral threshold and lost its position in the Knesset, and its electoral votes were lost, losing four seats to the larger Likud party, according to Israeli election laws.

In the previous elections, the Democratic Front with the Arab Movement for Change received 193,000 votes and five seats, while the Assembly lost the votes it had received, which were 138,000 votes. If they had contested the elections with a unified list among the three parties, they would have obtained at least eight seats.

The third Palestinian Arab list that contested the previous Knesset elections is the "United List," which received 178,000 votes and five seats. Thus, the Palestinian Arab parties obtained only ten seats, whereas in the elections before that, when a unified list of the four parties was formed, they obtained 15 seats, which demonstrates the importance of alliance, unity, and joint work among the four parties. Moreover, there could be participation by expanding the size of the coalition and alliance to include the Arab Democratic Party led by former MP, lawyer Talab El-Sana, and some prominent national figures such as Ali Bashir, former mayor of Sakhnin, or Mazen Ghnayem, current mayor of Sakhnin and head of the Committee of Heads of Arab Local Councils, and other academic figures, or mayors, or public figures.

The three parties have finalized their position and decision, and what remains is to reach a coalition with the "United List" to be together in a joint list. There are disagreements between them, which they will most likely overcome, namely:

1- Forming the joint list and arranging names according to priorities, especially who will head the list. There is a proposal for rotating the position between Yousef Jabareen, head of the Democratic Front bloc, and Mansour Abbas, head of the "United List" bloc, for two years each.

2- That the alliance remains limited to the elections, and allows for freedom of choice in political dealings for each party after the elections, as the United List sees the necessity of allying with Zionist parties participating in the government, in order to achieve various gains for the living, financial, and employment conditions of the Palestinian Arab community in the administrations of Israeli civil institutions. This is an important direction, in addition to achieving practical gains for the Palestinian Arab community, the people of the '48 areas, the people of the Carmel, Galilee, Triangle, Negev, and mixed coastal cities, as it breaks the cycle of the Zionist understanding that the "state" is a "Jewish state," where Palestinians constitute about 20 percent of the population, thereby achieving the concept of partnership and gradually ending the reality and philosophy of a "Jewish state."

Washington's Message

Washington – Said Arikat - 1/6/2026

A senior American official, who requested anonymity due to the sensitivity of ongoing discussions, revealed that the US administration has intensified its diplomatic contacts in recent days with both Lebanon and Israel in an attempt to prevent the situation from escalating into a wider confrontation on the northern front. However, these efforts, according to him, were met with what he described as "a lack of clear commitment from Hezbollah to cease cross-border attacks."

In an email to accredited journalists at the US State Department, including Al-Quds newspaper's correspondent in Washington, the official stated that US Secretary of State Marco Rubio held separate calls with Lebanese President General Joseph Aoun and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as part of ongoing efforts to reach an understanding that would lead to de-escalation and create conditions for an effective cessation of hostilities.

The official explained that during these contacts, Washington proposed a "clear and phased formula" based on Hezbollah ceasing all its attacks against Israel as a first step, in exchange for Israel refraining from expanding its military operations or carrying out escalatory strikes in the Lebanese capital, Beirut. He added that this mechanism, if adopted, would have opened the door for gradual de-escalation and a more sustainable ceasefire.

According to the official, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun attempted to push this proposal and work towards formulating an understanding between the concerned parties. However, the response Washington received from Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri was not encouraging. He said that Berri affirmed his readiness to provide guarantees regarding Hezbollah's commitment to a ceasefire, but stipulated in return that Israel must first cease its military operations.

The US administration, according to the same official, viewed this proposal as ignoring the fact that Hezbollah initiated the current round of confrontation on March 2nd, and was also the party that opened the Lebanese front during the Gaza war in the fall of 2023. This makes placing the sole responsibility for a ceasefire on Israel unrealistic from the American perspective.

The American official accused Hezbollah of acting according to Iranian calculations that transcend internal Lebanese interests, stating that available indicators to Washington suggest that Tehran does not wish to end the tension quickly. Instead, it seeks to keep the Lebanese front as a regional pressure card to be used in the context of its broader conflicts with the United States and its allies.

He added that the continuation of cross-border attacks places civilians on both sides of the conflict at increasing risk, emphasizing that the United States does not expect Israel to continue to tolerate missile or military attacks targeting its population, and that the fastest way to de-escalate is for Hezbollah to cease fire immediately and unconditionally.

The positions conveyed by the American official reveal the magnitude of the dilemma Washington faces in Lebanon. The US administration appears convinced that President Joseph Aoun seeks to solidify the state's role and distance the country from a new war, but at the same time, it recognizes the limited ability of official institutions to enforce their security decisions given Hezbollah's continued military and political influence. Therefore, any diplomatic initiative remains hostage to the Lebanese state's ability to translate understandings into practical measures, which past experiences have proven to be more complex than merely reaching temporary political or security understandings.

The American accusations against Iran reflect a growing conviction within Washington that the Lebanese front is no longer managed exclusively according to local calculations. American officials view the escalation as part of a broader network of mutual pressures between Tehran and its adversaries in the region. From this perspective, a ceasefire in southern Lebanon becomes linked to other negotiating and regional paths, including the Iranian nuclear file, regional security arrangements, and the future of Iranian influence in the Arab Levant. This explains the increasing difficulty in separating the Lebanese arena from major regional balances.

Despite ongoing diplomatic contacts, current indicators do not suggest an imminent breakthrough. Each party demands that the other take the first step, while political maneuvering margins erode with each new security incident. Decision-making circles in Washington fear that any field error or large-scale strike could ignite a confrontation that would be difficult to contain later. Furthermore, the expansion of the war would not only affect Lebanon and Israel but could also extend to trade, energy routes, and security stability throughout the entire region, raising the cost of maintaining the status quo for all parties.

Groups of settlers, today, Monday, established a new settlement outpost in the Al-Auja area, located north of the city of Jericho, as part of a frantic escalation of land seizure operations in the occupied West Bank. Human rights sources reported that settlers have begun extensive bulldozing work with the aim of imposing a new colonial reality in the vital area of the Palestinian Jordan Valley.

Hassan Melhem, supervisor of the Al-Baydar Human Rights Organization, confirmed that the Al-Auja area has become surrounded by seven pastoral settlement outposts, which are used as strategic tools to restrict and displace Palestinian citizens. Melhem pointed out that these moves threaten the Palestinian presence in the Jordan Valley area, as the occupation seeks to cut geographical communication and transform the lands into areas of influence for settlers.

In a related context, the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission revealed that the occupation authorities intend to approve the construction of 2721 new settlement units in several settlements established on West Bank lands. The so-called 'Higher Planning Council' of the Civil Administration is scheduled to hold a session next Wednesday to discuss this wide package of settlement plans.

The new plans include a significant structural expansion, as 1006 housing units will be allocated to the 'Gvaot' settlement, located west of Bethlehem. This step aims to consecrate 'Gvaot' as a completely independent settlement after it was administratively separated from the 'Alon Shvut' settlement earlier this year, which strengthens the settlement infrastructure in the southern West Bank.

The proposed settlement maps also included the construction of 922 housing units in the 'Har Bracha' settlement, located on citizens' lands south of Nablus, in addition to 455 units in the 'Mevo Dotan' settlement west of Jenin. Through these expansions, the occupation seeks to intensify the settlement presence in the northern West Bank and connect the settlement blocs to each other.

In the southern West Bank, the occupation plans to build 234 new settlement units in the 'Kiryat Arba' settlement, established on the lands of Hebron, along with amendments to building regulations and changes in land use in other settlements. Official sources stated that these measures aim to complete the legal and planning structure of the settlement project in parallel with the field urban expansion.

The Wall Resistance Commission warned that these plans represent an extension of the 'creeping annexation' policy pursued by the current Israeli government, which aims to undermine any opportunity for the establishment of a geographically contiguous Palestinian state. The commission explained that the intensification of settlement at this stage aims to isolate Palestinian communities and turn them into enclaves surrounded by settlements.

Statistical data indicate the presence of about 542 settlement facilities in the West Bank, distributed among 192 settlements and 350 settlement outposts, inhabited by more than 780,000 settlers. The period after October 2023 witnessed an unprecedented boom in the establishment of random outposts, with 165 new outposts being established, 59 of which have been established since the beginning of 2025.

These expansions coincide with an escalation in the pace of field attacks carried out by settlers with direct protection from the occupation army, especially in rural and Bedouin areas. Many of these outposts have become launching points for organized attacks targeting Palestinian property and farms, leading to the displacement of thousands of citizens from their Bedouin and village communities.

Regarding human losses, Palestinian institutions recorded the martyrdom of 1168 Palestinians in the West Bank since the start of the genocide war on the Gaza Strip in October 2023. More than 12,000 citizens were also injured, and nearly 23,000 others were arrested, amid harsh conditions experienced by West Bank cities and camps due to continuous incursions, economic and field siege.

These plans reflect the occupation authorities' continued imposition of new realities on Palestinian land, through the expansion of existing settlements and the creation of new settlement centers.

Since the formation of Israel in a turbulent regional context, the region has entered a long series of conflicts, tensions, and recurring wars, in which geography was not merely borders, but permanent lines of contact between opposing political and security projects. Over time, this reality has not only produced military clashes but has also established a mutual political consciousness between the parties, becoming part of the regional thinking structure.

In the Israeli case, the continuation of wars, security threats, and the faltering paths of settlement with Arab and Palestinian neighbors played a crucial role in solidifying a central idea: that security is not a temporary state, but a permanent condition of existence. With the accumulation of this understanding, a political and social consciousness has formed that makes security considerations a primary axis in decision-making, giving the logic of deterrence and constant readiness a priority over other considerations.

This historical trajectory has produced a political mindset that views stability not as a ready-made reality, but as a state that must be continuously produced through changing political and military tools. Therefore, security is no longer an ultimate goal, but an ongoing process within which cycles of tension and de-escalation repeat, without reaching a stable and final settlement.

In contrast, the Arab and Palestinian world was not outside this equation. Within the Palestine Liberation Organization, and in the general Arab framework, political approaches began to gradually move away from the logic of comprehensive confrontation, towards seeking comprehensive settlements that would redefine the relationship with Israel within a new regional framework. This shift was not a concession of the essence of the conflict, but an attempt to redefine its tools.

From this emerged the idea of integrating Israel into a regional system based on mutual security and political arrangements, instead of continuing isolation and open conflict. This vision was embodied in Arab initiatives, most notably the Arab Peace Initiative, which was based on a clear equation: land for peace, and an end to occupation for normalization and normal relations.

However, this vision, despite its political clarity, always clashed with the gap between ambition and reality, and between declared perceptions and the balance of power on the ground, making it a standing political framework without fully transforming into a stable reality.

In this context, political consciousness within Israeli society formed as a direct result of a long and complex security experience, making it more sensitive to the concept of threat, more inclined to the logic of caution and deterrence, and less willing for unconditional openness. In contrast, within the Arab and Palestinian framework, a political consciousness developed that sees settlement as a possible option, but conditional on ending the roots of the conflict and achieving political justice.

If we assume a radical scenario in which Israel controls the entire land between the sea and the river or the absence of the Palestinian actor as a direct party, the question is not about the disappearance of the conflict, but its transformation. Does security consciousness disappear with the absence of a direct threat?

Comparative readings in political science indicate that this consciousness does not easily disappear, but reproduces itself by redefining sources of danger. Instead of a direct threat, the focus may shift to the broader regional environment: political fluctuations, possibilities of hostile regimes rising, or instability in a changing regional periphery. Thus, it transforms from a “direct existential threat” to a “regional strategic threat,” maintaining the logic of caution and readiness but within a broader scope.

In contrast, these transformations may indirectly reshape political mobilization in the region, where Arab and regional interactions can produce new narratives based on an unresolved conflict history. This may contribute to the continuation or reproduction of forms of tension or hostile discourse, even with a change in the original form of the conflict or a decline in its direct presence.

But most importantly, all this does not make the conflict monocausal. Reducing it to Israeli political consciousness alone is an oversimplification, because this consciousness itself is formed within a complex network of regional, historical, and political relations. The conflict here is not a linear confrontation between only two parties, but a dynamic process affected by changing balances of power, paths of settlement or their collapse, and the structure of the regional system as a whole.

Consequently, the absence of one party to the conflict or a change in its role does not necessarily mean its end, but may redistribute tensions to other levels. Ultimately, the future of stability in the region remains open to more than one path, and is governed by a complex interaction between political consciousness, regional structure, and experiences of conflict and settlement, not by a single factor or a clear linear direction.

Washington's Message

Washington – Said Arikat – 1/6/2026

News Analysis

The confrontation between the United States and Iran is heading towards a more sensitive and dangerous phase, after the two sides exchanged new military strikes that brought back to the forefront the fragility of the weeks-old ceasefire, and revealed that the path towards a permanent understanding is still fraught with security and political obstacles. The latest escalation confirms that the current truce remains vulnerable to collapse at any moment, and that the possibilities of expanding the regional conflict are still present despite diplomatic efforts to contain it.

In the latest chapter of the confrontation, the US military announced on Monday that it had carried out airstrikes targeting Iranian radar sites and drone control systems inside Iranian territory, in response to Tehran shooting down a US MQ-1 Predator drone over the weekend. In return, Iran admitted to carrying out a retaliatory response to the American attacks, while Kuwait announced that its air defenses had intercepted drones and missiles that were heading towards its territory.

These developments highlight the fragile nature of the truce reached after weeks of direct and indirect military confrontations between Washington and Tehran. Despite the continuation of political and security contacts aimed at extending the ceasefire and preventing its collapse, limited and reciprocal military operations continue to undermine the chances of establishing stability and increase the likelihood of a return to the cycle of escalation.

The scene becomes more complex with Iran continuing to impose restrictions on navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, one of the most important strategic maritime passages in the world, through which a large percentage of global oil and gas trade passes. This situation has been reflected in international energy markets, which are still experiencing a state of tension and uncertainty, amid growing fears that any new escalation could lead to widespread economic disruptions that extend beyond the region's borders.

The Iranian crisis also intertwines with other hotspots in the Middle East, most notably the Lebanese-Israeli front. Israel continues to strengthen its aggression and military presence north of the Litani River, while Hezbollah continues to carry out drone attacks against Israeli targets, adding a regional dimension to the crisis and increasing the chances of the region sliding into a multi-front confrontation that is difficult to contain.

The US Central Command said that the strikes carried out over the past two days targeted sites near the city of Jask and Qeshm Island, confirming that they came in response to "Iranian hostile acts" represented by the downing of an American aircraft that was flying over international waters. It explained that American fighters destroyed air defense systems, a ground control station, and two Iranian drones, which it said posed a direct threat to maritime navigation in the region.

Although the "Predator" aircraft is no longer the backbone of the US drone fleet after being gradually replaced by the more advanced "MQ-9 Reaper" aircraft, it is still used in some reconnaissance and surveillance missions. The Central Command confirmed that the recent operations did not result in human casualties among US forces.

In contrast, Kuwait announced that its air defense systems intercepted hostile aerial targets during the early hours of Monday morning. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard, however, confirmed that US forces targeted a communications tower on one of the Iranian islands, announcing a retaliatory operation in response to the American attack, without directly disclosing its location. This ambiguity opened the door to speculation that the Iranian response targeted facilities associated with the US military presence in the region or sites near Kuwaiti territory.

The mutual strikes reveal that the current ceasefire does not amount to a real peace agreement, but rather represents a temporary framework for managing the conflict and preventing its transformation into an all-out war. Both Washington and Tehran still view military pressure as a negotiating tool to improve the terms of any future agreement. From this perspective, limited military operations appear to be part of the new rules of engagement rather than a complete breach of the truce. However, the continuation of this pattern of confrontation raises the risks of miscalculation or sliding into an uncalculated escalation, especially in the absence of a comprehensive political settlement that addresses the outstanding security, nuclear, and regional issues.

The latest developments represent a complex test for US President Donald Trump, who returned to the White House pledging to reduce US military involvement in the Middle East and end costly wars. However, the reality on the ground places his administration before a difficult equation; retreating from responding to Iranian moves could be interpreted as a weakness in deterrence, while continuous escalation leads to the risk of sliding into a wider confrontation that contradicts electoral promises. Between these two options, Trump finds himself forced to manage a crisis that requires a delicate balance between demonstrating strength and avoiding a new war whose political and strategic costs could be exorbitant.

The Strait of Hormuz remains the most sensitive element in the current crisis, as Iran realizes that its ability to influence global energy traffic gives it leverage that exceeds its traditional military capabilities. Therefore, Tehran uses the issue of maritime navigation as a key bargaining chip in any negotiations with Washington and the West. However, this strategy carries increasing risks, as it pushes international energy-consuming powers to search for long-term strategic alternatives that reduce the importance of the strait in the future. For this reason, the future of freedom of navigation in Hormuz has become directly linked to the fate of the ongoing negotiations between the two parties, and perhaps constitutes one of the most complex and sensitive topics.

In his story “I want my right” (which was turned into a cinematic film), writer Tariq Abdel Jalil paints an accurate and painful picture of the state of people, especially youth, as a result of the destitution, poverty, and need that has afflicted society and weakened its foundations. The accuracy of the writer’s treatment then became evident when he embodied it through the knowledge of the needy “poor” citizen (Saber) that there is an article in the constitution that talks about public ownership and the right of every citizen to it, so this citizen decides to work on solving his financial distress by “selling his right” in that ownership. Anyone who looks at the state of our nation today, from its east to its west, will find that most of its children live in abject poverty and destitution. This situation has negatively affected all aspects and facets of people’s lives, especially the youth, the hope and future of this nation. This vital element of the nation, which still possesses energy and vitality, pays a heavy price to secure its needs, especially in its early years, which has made this important group lost and unable to achieve its simplest requirements. The undeniable truth is that our countries are not poor, nor are they barren or sterile in their wealth. Rather, the established truth is that those who manage the affairs of these countries are the ones who created the reality of destitution and poverty by plundering wealth and granting privileges to colonial powers to appease them. So, the party that paid the price was the people of the country. Our nation is scorched by the fire of poverty and burns on the embers of deprivation, while it possesses blessings that would make it live in the utmost luxury. Therefore, people in our countries are deprived of the blessings of their countries by an active agent and a deliberate policy. If they had taken their right in public ownership alone, it would have been enough for them, and it would have brought people out of this dark situation into a state of ease and stability. Since our poverty, destitution, and tragic, miserable situation are not the result of an “emergency misdemeanor,” but rather the result of policies aimed at keeping people running after a loaf of bread and thinking of nothing else, people must move to seize their usurped right and achieve complete liberation that restores authority to the principle and sovereignty to the nation, to live in the highest degrees of comfortable and prosperous living.

There are men who depart and are swallowed by the years, and there are men who pass into absence but remain resistant to leaving. They remain in memory, in language, and in the places they loved until they became a part of them. Faisal Al-Husseini was one of these. On the anniversary of his passing, we do not merely recall a man as much as we recall a meaning. We do not remember a personal biography as much as we evoke an entire phase of Palestinian history, in which belonging was a moral commitment, Jerusalem was an unwavering compass, and nationalism was a daily act of patience and dignity, not material for political consumption. When Faisal Al-Husseini's name is mentioned, Jerusalem automatically comes to mind. Not just as a city, but as destiny. The relationship between the man and the city was deeper than that of a politician with a cause, or a leader with his occupied capital. It was a rare relationship between two souls that resembled each other; both burdened by wounds, and both resistant to breaking. Some cities give birth to their children. But Jerusalem, whenever it was afflicted by hardships, gave birth to men who resembled its stones; silent on the surface, deeply rooted, and stubborn in the face of time. Faisal Al-Husseini was one of its children who most resembled it. He was not the Prince of Jerusalem because someone bestowed a title upon him. Jerusalem does not distribute its titles, nor does it grant its status except to those who pay the full price of belonging. And the man spent his entire life on this path. He did not carry Jerusalem as a slogan, but as a responsibility. He did not speak of it as a general issue, but as part of his personal being. That is why his name remained attached to it, to the extent that, in Palestinian consciousness, it seemed as if one could not be mentioned without evoking the other. He understood that the occupation did not target the land alone. The land might be confiscated, homes might be demolished, and walls might be besieged. But the greatest danger lay in targeting memory; in attempting to uproot a people from their narrative, a city from its truth, and history from its roots. For this reason, his battle was a defense of meaning before it was a defense of place. A defense of the Palestinian's right to tell his own story, and of Jerusalem's right to remain present in consciousness as it is present in history. He was not the loudest voice in a noisy era, but he was one of those who gave words their weight, stances their value, and presence its meaning, and he understood that nations do not always need someone to speak on their behalf, as much as they need someone to carry them faithfully, so he seemed different. Not because his time was devoid of men, but because he was of that rare type who becomes clearer the further time distances him from his era. Days do not create the value of great men. They only reveal it. That is why many names that filled the scene with clamor recede, while other names quietly grow within the national memory until they become part of the conscience of an entire people. Faisal Al-Husseini was one of these. Some men leave behind positions, resumes, and framed pictures on walls. But truly great men leave an impact. And impact is the most sublime form of immortality. That is why talking about Faisal Al-Husseini today does not seem like talking about the past. For there are people who, after their departure, transform into a moral value and a national standard by which what comes after them is measured. And when we miss them, we do not only miss their personal presence, but we miss that reassurance that our knowledge of an unbreakable covenant between them and Jerusalem used to give us. Peace be upon your soul, O Prince of Jerusalem. Peace be upon a heart that remained loyal to it until its last beat. And peace be upon a name that was not preserved by official documents as much as it was preserved by the love of the people. Years pass, and faces, speeches, and banners change, but only a few names survive the harshness of time. Names that do not live in archives, but in conscience. And Faisal Al-Husseini was one of them. He was not the Prince of Jerusalem because he lived in it. But because he lived for it. And when he departed, Jerusalem did not only take him into its memory, but into its soul. And there, in that مقام (station) that no occupation force can reach and no maps of greedy people can extend to, he still resides.

The American President's request, during the conference call with leaders of Arab and Islamic countries, to engage in the Abraham Accords, elicited clear reactions from Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, refusing to link any agreement to the Iranian-Israeli war. Instead, the possible connection is the end of the Israeli occupation of the territories occupied in 1967 or the existence of a credible path to establishing a Palestinian state, meaning focusing on the core of the conflict in the region, which is fundamentally related to the Israeli occupation. This request also indicated that Trump is still keen on achieving a political victory for Netanyahu in order to accept the new equation that the United States is drawing for its interests in the region, and perhaps to re-establish relations with Iran. It seems that the mistaken reading of the American administration, which started a war without considering the interests of Arab countries in the Arabian Gulf, has harmed all Gulf Arab countries from a security perspective; due to Iran's targeting of their lands and economic facilities, especially oil, and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which significantly affected the economic interests of these countries by preventing the free flow of trade, including the export of Gulf oil to countries around the world. Trump's request, mentioned above, is linked to two issues: first, using this war to claim that he achieved peace in the Middle East as an accomplishment for him - i.e., for Trump - on the path to expanding the Abraham Accords by employing American military power to subjugate the region, which is one of his political slogans. Second, an attempt to gain the support of the Zionist lobby in the United States for Republican Party candidates in the midterm congressional elections next November; this is due to his complete failure to subjugate Iran through war or armed force. In my opinion, the pillars of the American administration fully realize that bringing about change in the Middle East requires a repositioning of the interests of regional powers; especially regarding Israel's ambitions in the region and stopping its aggression against the countries and peoples of the region towards achieving comprehensive peace based on rights, foremost among them the right to self-determination for the Palestinian people, to enhance stability, security, and prosperity in the region. But so far, American President Trump has not grasped the essence of the complex and intertwined relationships in the Middle East based on history, identity, rights, geography, religion, and economy; shared living is not linked to economy and prosperity alone, but rather to recognizing status without wasting any of the intertwined factors inherent in the region and the considerations of each party.

The Israeli occupation army escalated the pace of its military operations in Lebanese territories today, Monday, issuing new evacuation warnings to residents of several towns in the deep south. These developments come amidst Tel Aviv's clear endeavor to expand the scope of ground confrontation and bypass previous understandings announced weeks ago.

Diplomatic sources revealed intensive American efforts led by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who held high-level contacts with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. These efforts aim to push for a plan that allows for a 'gradual de-escalation' of hostilities that peaked in recent hours.

The proposed American initiative is based on a reciprocal equation that begins with Hezbollah halting its missile attacks on Israeli targets, in exchange for Israel's commitment to refrain from launching raids or escalation operations in the capital, Beirut. Washington aims through this step to pave the way for an effective and comprehensive cessation of hostilities at a later stage.

For his part, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun expressed a desire to move forward towards de-escalation to restore the stability of state institutions and end the suffering of citizens. In a related context, sources reported that Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri affirmed Hezbollah's commitment to a ceasefire, holding Israel responsible for any future violation if it initiates an attack.

Despite diplomatic efforts, American circles warned that the failure of Rubio's proposal might push Washington to lift restrictions on Israel targeting sites in Beirut. Reports indicated a partial American openness to Israel's request to expand military operations, after Tel Aviv claimed that confining activity to border areas was no longer sufficient.

On the ground, the occupation army issued immediate evacuation orders for residents of seven southern towns, including Al-Aqibiya, Al-Zarariya, Al-Marwaniya, Sannibr, Al-Najariya, Al-Adousiya, and Khirbet Bassal. The military statement urged residents to immediately head north of the Zahrani area, warning against staying in those areas which it classified as military targets.

Israeli threats also included residents of the towns of Mleikh and Kfarhouna, who were asked to move at least one kilometer away from their homes immediately. These warnings reflect the occupation's intention to deepen the ground incursion into areas that ground forces had not reached intensively in recent weeks.

In a significant field development, the occupation army announced its full control over the historic Beaufort Castle and the strategic hills surrounding it in southern Lebanon. This centuries-old castle is a commanding point overlooking vast areas of southern Lebanon and the border regions.

Control of the castle came after a day that witnessed intense exchange of fire, with Hezbollah carrying out intensive attacks described as the strongest since last April. These attacks led to a complete paralysis in northern Israel, prompting authorities there to close schools and impose strict restrictions on the movement of settlers.

Reports from the field indicate that occupation forces are exerting intense fire pressure to control the heights located north of the Litani River. Through these movements, the Israeli army seeks to establish a new field reality that expands what is called the 'Yellow Line' which it drew by destroying villages and towns.

Coinciding with the ground incursion, Israeli warplanes intensified their airstrikes on the city of Tyre and the towns of Deir al-Zahrani and Arnoun. The intensity of the bombing raises questions about the occupation's desire to create a deeper buffer zone than initially planned, amidst international silence regarding the destruction of historical landmarks.

On the humanitarian front, the death toll in Lebanon has risen to 3,412 martyrs since the escalation of aggression last March, according to official data. Military operations have also caused the displacement of more than one million Lebanese from their villages and cities, creating a worsening humanitarian crisis in overcrowded shelters.

In contrast, the occupation army admitted the killing of 25 soldiers in its ranks since the start of the recent ground confrontations, amidst strict secrecy regarding the number of injured. Field sources confirm that the resistance in the south is still engaged in fierce clashes to prevent the advance of Israeli vehicles towards the heights of 'Ali al-Taher' and Wadi Barghaz.

Washington is scheduled to host a new round of indirect talks between military delegations from Lebanon and Israel on June 2nd and 3rd. These meetings at the Pentagon come as a last attempt to prevent the region from sliding into an all-out war, at a time when Lebanon insists on an immediate and comprehensive ceasefire.

Lebanon faces fierce and condemned Israeli aggression, and we are moving forward in our work to end the suffering of the Lebanese and put an end to their torment.

US President Donald Trump made controversial statements during a television interview with Lara Trump, where he admitted that the United States made strategic mistakes with its military presence in the region. Trump explained that intervention in Iraq was a foolish and very bad act, indicating that this assessment also applies to the Iranian situation, which Washington should not have been militarily involved in from the beginning.

Despite admitting the mistake of military presence, Trump strongly defended the airstrikes targeting Iranian facilities, claiming they were necessary to prevent Tehran from acquiring a nuclear bomb. He asserted that the use of strategic 'B-2' bombers thwarted Iran's nuclear path, emphasizing that Tehran would have possessed a nuclear weapon by now had it not been for direct US military intervention.

The interview revealed a striking contradiction in Trump's description of the state of the Iranian armed forces. He initially claimed that Washington left the Iranian army alone and did not directly target it. He justified this approach by stating that the army's leadership is more moderate compared to other parties within the regime, which represents an attempt to open channels of communication or neutralize some internal forces in Tehran.

In the same context, Trump shifted to a harsher tone, asserting that the Iranian naval forces have been 'completely destroyed' by one hundred percent as a result of recent military operations. His claims did not stop there but also included the Iranian air force, which he described as being completely out of service, raising questions about the actual extent of the damage compared to political statements.

Regarding the diplomatic path, the US President revealed that ongoing negotiations are close to reaching a 'good agreement' that satisfies American aspirations. However, his speech was not without threat, as he warned that if diplomacy fails to achieve the desired results, the United States is prepared to conclude the matter by other means, in a clear reference to resuming large-scale military operations.

These statements come amidst significant field and humanitarian complexities, as reports from medical sources in Tehran indicate thousands of casualties due to the ongoing escalation. Official data reported that joint attacks launched by US and Israeli forces since late February have resulted in heavy human losses among both civilians and military personnel.

According to statistics from the Iranian Ministry of Health, the death toll from these attacks reached approximately 3,468 people, including hundreds of women and children who died in airstrikes. These figures reflect the escalating tension in the region, at a time when the White House is trying to balance military pressure with the desire to reach a comprehensive political settlement that ends the ongoing conflict.

We should not have been in Iran in the first place, but we destroyed 100% of its naval and air capabilities to prevent it from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Two Palestinian citizens were martyred and about 25 others were wounded with varying injuries today, Sunday, as a result of an airstrike carried out by Israeli occupation aircraft targeting the port area located west of Gaza City. Medical sources confirmed the arrival of the bodies of the martyrs and the injured to Al-Shifa Medical Complex following the direct targeting of the area.

Local sources stated that civil defense and ambulance crews rushed to the targeted site immediately after the raid, where they worked to retrieve the victims from under the rubble and transport the injured for treatment. This raid comes at a time when the health system in the Strip is suffering from severe deterioration due to repeated targeting and a lack of medical resources.

Various areas of the Gaza Strip are witnessing an escalation in aerial military operations, which raises the toll of civilian casualties, while medical teams continue their attempts to deal with the increasing number of injuries arriving at hospitals exhausted by the siege and continuous aggression.

A medical source at Al-Shifa Hospital reported the martyrdom of two and the injury of twenty-five others with varying injuries as a result of the raid that targeted the port area.

Osama Hamdan, a leader in the Hamas movement, stressed that the movement still retains its full organizational and military field capabilities, despite the extent of sacrifices and losses caused by the ongoing war on the Gaza Strip. Hamdan explained that the occupation's targeting of a number of senior leaders does not reflect a state of weakness or collapse, as some parties try to promote, but rather is part of the nature of major conflicts.

Hamdan indicated in press statements that Hamas has fought a harsh confrontation since October 7, 2023, during which it paid a heavy price from its cadres at various political and military levels. He affirmed that these losses did not lead to the disintegration of the organizational structure, noting that the movement possesses high flexibility and a historical ability to quickly and systematically fill leadership vacuums.

The movement's leader considered that the presence of leaders on the front lines and their martyrdom while performing their duties is evidence of direct engagement with the battle, and not an indicator of security breaches. In this context, he recalled the assassination of the movement's founder, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, and his successor, Dr. Abdel Aziz Rantisi, in 2004, and how the movement continued to expand despite international expectations at the time of its demise.

In a related context, Hamdan launched a scathing attack on the Executive Director of the Peace Council, Nikolai Mladenov, accusing him of complete bias towards the Israeli narrative and contributing to obstructing the implementation of ceasefire understandings. He added that Mladenov lost the neutrality required in his international role and turned into a party adopting the agenda of Benjamin Netanyahu's government in international forums and the Security Council.

Hamdan explained that the international official miserably failed to follow up on the implementation of commitments related to the first phase of the agreement, especially regarding the entry of urgent humanitarian and medical aid. He also pointed to the failure of international bodies to support the rehabilitation of infrastructure and basic services in the Strip, despite previous guarantees in this regard under the supervision of mediators.

Hamas's leader accused Mladenov of ignoring the daily Israeli violations that followed the entry into force of the ceasefire, which resulted in hundreds of new casualties. He stressed that the UN official's silence on these violations gives the occupation cover to continue targeting civilians, and weakens the chances of success of the entire political process in the next stage.

Regarding the internal reconciliation file, Hamdan renewed the call for the Fatah movement to engage in a comprehensive national project aimed at confronting current challenges and unifying the Palestinian ranks. He affirmed that Hamas considers national partnership an indispensable strategic option, especially in light of American and Israeli pressures that seek to deepen the gap between Palestinian factions.

Hamdan revealed that Hamas sent an official congratulatory message to the Fatah leadership on the occasion of its eighth conference, which included a proposal to hold an expanded leadership meeting to formulate a unified national program. He pointed out that the movement does not merely launch slogans about reconciliation, but rather strives to turn it into a field and political reality that protects Palestinian rights in these critical moments.

Regarding the internationally proposed conditions, Hamdan categorically rejected any attempts to link the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip or the entry of relief aid to the issue of disarming the resistance. He described these proposals as a kind of 'political blackmail' that ignores the real causes of the conflict, which are the continued occupation and military aggression against the Palestinian people.

He affirmed that the issue of weapons has never been part of the current understandings with the mediators, and that raising it at this time aims to impose new Israeli conditions outside the framework of the agreement. He stressed that the resistance will not accept exceeding the existing understandings, and will not allow the use of the humanitarian needs of the population as a means of political or military pressure on the resistance forces.

Regarding the future of calm, Hamdan explained that Hamas is still committed to giving the ceasefire agreement a full opportunity to succeed, despite repeated Israeli violations. He indicated that this adherence stems from a responsible keenness to protect civilians and alleviate the catastrophic humanitarian suffering experienced by the residents of the Strip as a result of the widespread destruction.

Hamdan denied that adherence to the agreement was due to weakness, stressing that it represents a moral and political commitment before the international community and mediators to expose the party obstructing implementation. He added that the movement is closely monitoring the scene and continuously evaluating the extent of the occupation's commitment to the agreed-upon terms, to make appropriate decisions at the appropriate time.

Regarding the available alternatives in the event of the collapse of understandings, the Hamas leader affirmed that giving the political path a chance does not mean the fall of resistance options or the loss of field power cards. He stated that the movement's leadership manages the battle with multiple tools, and determines its priorities based on accurate assessments of supreme national interests and field conditions on the ground.

Hamdan concluded his statements by emphasizing that the Palestinian resistance possesses wide options to deal with any future developments, and will not abandon its responsibility to defend the Palestinian people. He stressed that political efforts and mediations will remain as long as they serve national goals, while maintaining full readiness to respond to any escalation that the occupation may impose.

Martyrdom of leaders while performing their field duties is evidence of their direct involvement in managing the battle and not a defect in the movement's structure.

The settlement issue in the West Bank and occupied Jerusalem is at its most dangerous turning point in decades, as Israeli policies have moved beyond traditional urban expansion towards comprehensive geographical determination. The occupation government recently announced tenders for the construction of 3,400 new settlement units within the strategic project known as (E1), located in the eastern area of the Holy City.

Experts and specialists in settlement affairs believe that these moves aim to create a new replacement engineering that erases the city's borders and completely isolates it from its Palestinian surroundings. Researcher Khalil Tafakji confirmed that the occupation seeks to transform Jerusalem into 'Greater Jerusalem' by establishing a belt of massive colonies occupying a longitudinal area of up to 35 kilometers and a width of approximately 20 kilometers.

This intensive settlement expansion aims to tightly close off the eastern area of Jerusalem, practically separating the northern West Bank from its south and destroying any possibility of Palestinian geographical connection. These steps are in implementation of a historical Zionist vision that seeks to undermine the components of a future Palestinian state and transform population centers into isolated enclaves.

For his part, Dr. Mustafa Barghouti, head of the Palestinian National Initiative, warned that the current settlement scene has reached the final and actual stages of implementation on the ground. Barghouti stressed that any reliance on international or American pressure to stop these plans is a 'great illusion,' especially in light of the full adoption of the colonial project by successive administrations in Washington.

This settlement escalation is linked to a comprehensive plan known as 'Jerusalem 2050,' a massive project that seeks to redefine the city's demographic and economic identity under Israeli sovereignty. The plan includes the establishment of an international airport in the 'Nabi Musa' area, in addition to the construction of a huge tourism infrastructure comprising about 12,000 hotel rooms extending between East Jerusalem and the edges of the Jordan Valley area.

In the context of a political reading of these developments, research sources indicated that the current Israeli government is exploiting the state of complete international silence and the decline in global interest in the Palestinian issue. Researcher Muhannad Mustafa explained that Tel Aviv sees the current regional circumstances as a golden opportunity to accelerate the pace of construction in the (E1) project without fear of any real deterrence or international sanctions.

Field data indicate that the occupation is racing against time to impose new realities that will be difficult to reverse in the future, benefiting from the absence of serious pressure. These moves confirm that the battle in Jerusalem and the West Bank has moved from a struggle over land to a stage of final spatial and demographic determination, serving the occupation's strategic vision of complete control.

Israeli occupation does not deal with Jerusalem as a narrow border city, but aims to transform it into 'Greater Jerusalem' through a belt of colonies extending for tens of kilometers.

The Israeli occupation authorities prevented Palestinian football star Musab Abu Salem from leaving the Palestinian territories for Italy, where he was scheduled to represent the 'Palestine Stars team' in a major sports event. The player was supposed to participate in a humanitarian and solidarity match against the Italian 'Napoli Stars team', aiming to highlight the suffering of the Palestinian people and promote the values of sportsmanship in European stadiums.

Official sources reported that the occupation's security apparatus stopped player Abu Salem while he was attempting to cross the Karama crossing, which connects the West Bank and Jordan. The player was isolated from the rest of the team's delegation, where he underwent a harsh and prolonged security interrogation within the facility, ending with an arbitrary decision to prevent him from traveling and forcibly returning him, thus depriving him of the opportunity to convey the message of Gaza and the West Bank to the sports audience in Italy.

For its part, the Palestinian Football Association issued a strongly worded statement condemning this measure, emphasizing that obstructing the travel of players falls within a systematic policy aimed at stifling and politicizing Palestinian sports. The association clarified that these violations seek to hinder Palestinian presence in international forums, stressing that targeting sports personnel disregards all Olympic and international laws and conventions that guarantee freedom of movement and travel.

The Palestinian Federation renewed its urgent call to the International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) and continental federations to assume their legal and ethical responsibilities regarding what athletes in Palestine are subjected to. The statement demanded real protection for players and ensuring their right to represent their homeland freely, emphasizing the necessity of imposing deterrent sanctions on the occupation federation to stop these repeated obstacles aimed at isolating Palestinian sports from its global environment.

This incident comes at a time when international pressure and popular demands in Europe to isolate the occupation sportingly are escalating, which was recently manifested in the stands of Dublin during the friendly match between Ireland and Qatar. Irish fans raised Palestinian flags in protest against the occupation's practices, reflecting the increasing international momentum supporting the Palestinian cause and condemning the restrictions imposed on athletes who seek to convey their people's message through football.

What Abu Salem was subjected to is not an isolated incident, but rather part of a series of legalized violations targeting the freedom of movement of Palestinian athletes and seeking to politicize the sports sector.