The day after the war ends: A national vision with full Palestinian sovereignty over Gaza

Today, Gaza is experiencing one of the bloodiest and most brutal wars in its history, a war that has transcended the boundaries of military violence to a systematic destruction of the human, the place, and the identity. While regional and international parties race to outline the features of the "next day," the most important question arises: who has the right to self-determination in Gaza? Will the future of the sector reflect the Palestinian will, or will it be the result of external impositions dressed in the guise of "reconstruction" and "civil administration"?

Since the Nakba until now, geopolitical factors have not separated Gaza from the West Bank except by the act of occupation. The unity of Palestinian land does not accept division, and Gaza is not a separate entity managed by a deal or a temporary understanding. What applies to the West Bank applies to Gaza, and sovereignty is indivisible, just as its future can only be shaped by a collective Palestinian national will.

Some international initiatives speak of a civil administration for Gaza in the "next day," proposing names of figures – such as Samir Halila – to manage the sector, whether we agree with him or not. However, these proposals, even if wrapped in civility and pragmatism, lack Palestinian legitimacy and open the door to a form of "guardianship" over the sector, unless they come in accordance with a Palestinian vision endorsed by the leadership of the Palestinian people represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Any externally imposed administration, even if it comes with a Palestinian facade, will ultimately be subject to non-national agendas, and this must be categorically rejected. It is unacceptable for a part of Palestine to be managed by a non-Palestinian decision, nor for Gaza to be rebuilt at a political price paid by the Palestinian people in their dignity and rights.

Arab coordination and support are welcome, but under clear Palestinian conditions, and within the framework of full respect for independent national decision-making. Palestinians do not reject support; rather, they demand it, provided it does not turn into a tool of political pressure or a means to reshape Palestinian leadership from outside the national framework.

Any Arab intervention must support reconciliation and unity, not replace it or come at its expense. Arab roles should complement the Palestinian role, not replace it.

What we do not accept is for a ruler to be imposed on Gaza from abroad under any pretext, whether in the name of "competence" or "necessity," just as we categorically reject any civil administration established under a humanitarian cover while, in essence, it is an extension of the occupying authority, and we refuse to compromise any of our national constants, whether under the pressure of reconstruction or through attempts to arrange security situations at the expense of Palestinian rights.

Sovereignty is not a service... but a right, and the right to self-determination is also a right under international law.

Gaza, like the West Bank, derives its dignity from the dignity of every Palestinian. Those who wish to participate in its reconstruction or organize its life after the war must first respect the blood of its people and their right to self-determination. The next day must be a distinctly Palestinian day, where the features of the future are written by Palestinian hands, not by the pens of donors or the calculations of occupation. There is no homeland without sovereignty, no sovereignty without unity, and no unity without a free will that rejects dependency and insists on dignity.