The way to end the occupation and establish the state

It seems that the war of extermination in Gaza has not yet ended. It is clear that the occupation government is still creating an environment that will enable it to resume this brutal war, while expanding its scope in the occupied West Bank, in the context of a direct and declared goal to liquidate the Palestinian cause, starting with an attempt to uproot the refugee camps there, after it completely destroyed Gaza and its camps.

It is clear that the ceasefire agreement in Gaza, according to Netanyahu's vision, is nothing more than a maneuver to recover the largest possible number of his prisoners held by the resistance in the Gaza Strip, in exchange for the release of a number of Palestinian prisoners in the occupation's prisons, some of whom are being deported outside Palestine, in preparation for investing in a new environment that enables Israel to resume the war, in Netanyahu's belief that Trump himself may agree with him on this, and in a way that enables him to, not only remove Hamas from ruling Gaza or participating in it, but also, in an effort to remove the movement, if not completely eliminate it and disarm it. These are the same positions that Netanyahu has repeated on every occasion since his return from Washington and his meeting with Trump, in light of Arab efforts to hold a summit meeting to respond to Trump's position on displacement, but after the latter softened his tone somewhat, and Netanyahu's liquidationist logic returned to the forefront of the scene, which naturally includes eliminating Hamas and the Palestinian resistance in all its forms in general.

The new thing is that Trump's envoy, and the engineer of pressuring Netanyahu to accept the deal in its three stages, has joined Netanyahu's tune about extending the first stage, i.e. recovering the largest possible number of Israeli detainees, removing Hamas from the Strip and not just from its rule, and not paying the other dues of the agreement, the essence of which must be implemented in its second stage. The ceasefire agreement is not limited to the exchange of prisoners, but rather includes relief and shelter, in preparation for reconstruction, as well as a comprehensive withdrawal from the Strip, and opening the crossings, especially the Rafah crossing to ensure freedom of movement for individuals, and the free passage of relief and shelter materials, goods and reconstruction materials, and ends with a permanent ceasefire, i.e. the cessation of the war.

So, the Israeli plan has become clear: to recover the detainees without reaching the core of the agreement to stop the war. In this context, Netanyahu is trying to achieve the goals of his war without continuing it, otherwise he is accumulating motives to return to it, perhaps with greater ferocity. The unprecedented support from the White House, including shipments of advanced bombs, which were previously suspended by the Biden administration, and the absence of Palestinian and Arab will to confront Netanyahu with a unified position regarding the so-called day after, are encouraging him to proceed with this scenario, which is coming to the forefront, as they avoid approaching the implementation of the basic pillar of the Beijing Agreement of forming a non-factional consensus government that addresses the world with a unified realistic vision and strategy, in accordance with national interests and UN resolutions related to the Palestinian issue and the principles of international law, including its responsibility for reconstruction and the mechanisms for achieving it as an essential component of building a free and new Palestine, and as a transitional non-factional consensus government that enjoys the powers stipulated in the Palestinian Basic Law, with a specific national reference in the Palestine Liberation Organization, and most importantly, the popular confidence derived from its support from all Palestinians, committed to preparing for and holding comprehensive general elections within an agreed-upon time frame, to build a Palestinian political system that leads to the establishment of a fully sovereign Palestinian state with occupied Jerusalem as its capital on the borders of June 4, 1967.

This is the only possible path that does not waste the enormous sacrifices made by Gaza, and opens the way towards freedom and self-determination, in which the reconstruction of Gaza will be the cornerstone of a comprehensive Palestinian-Arab plan to end the occupation and build a fully sovereign, independent Palestinian state... a modern state, not only with its development and infrastructure, but also with a democratic, pluralistic and competitive political system, beyond Israel’s false claims that it is the only oasis of democracy in the region.

Continuing on this path is our responsibility first and foremost, and requires Arab support based on the Arab Peace Initiative, the Saudi position, and strengthening the Kingdom’s efforts to establish an international coalition for a two-state solution, which constitutes an effective cornerstone in terms of adhering to the establishment of a Palestinian state on all Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital. However, achieving such a scenario to its desired effect, according to Trump’s need for Saudi Arabia economically in the US and regionally in the matter of relations with Israel, requires starting with practical steps to unify the Palestinian political system by consensus in accordance with the Beijing Declaration to ensure the unity of the Palestinian entity and representation, and not to exclude this unified representation, which gives negative signals that do not serve this path. It also requires, as a subsequent step, expanding the scope of the ceasefire to include the West Bank, including Jerusalem, in terms of stopping the annexation war, the war to uproot the camps, and the terrorist settlers’ rampage, in addition to stopping all settlement activities in the lands of the future State of Palestine.

As for the issue of the form of resistance and the fate of its weapons, obligating Israel to a comprehensive and permanent halt to the war of extermination against the Gaza Strip and its ongoing bloody aggression in the West Bank, including stopping settler attacks, withdrawing their weapons, and dismantling their terrorist organizations, will enable Palestinian consensus to deal with the issue of armed action and agree on popular forms of resistance to the occupation, which will make the fate of the resistance weapon an internal Palestinian affair, and no party has the right to use it alone under any pretext, except for the legitimate right to self-defense by a collective national decision by the PLO, which must include everyone to ensure that this is achieved.