Calm in Lebanon.. Ambiguity is the master of the situation

The truce, the 60-day period of which ended on the 27th of this month, is the truce to which the Lebanese resistance and the party committed, in compliance with the position of the Lebanese state and government, even though they did not agree with it, and which Israel continued to violate during the 60 days by killing, wounding, destroying, blowing up, exploding, penetrating, and violating Lebanese sovereignty, and which, as Sheikh Naim al-Qassem said in his speech on Monday 1-27-2025, we respected that truce despite the feeling of humiliation and acts of revenge, and those breaches reached more than 1350 breaches.

There are conflicting official Lebanese statements and statements from the Lebanese resistance regarding it. The American asked his Israeli partner to extend until the 28th of next month, and when the Lebanese rejected the request, he said the extension until the 18th of next month. When the Lebanese also rejected the request, he said that there are five overlooking hills that the Israeli army needs to remain in, and his request was also rejected. What is noteworthy is that the caretaker Prime Minister Mikati said that he accepted the extension until the 18th of next month in consultation with the American, and to negotiate the file of Lebanese prisoners held by the Israelis. He also consulted with the President of the Republic, Joseph Aoun, and with the Speaker of Parliament, Nabih Berri. Berri said that he stipulated for the extension the cessation of killing and destruction, and since the occupation did not abide by that, the truce fell. Meanwhile, the Secretary-General of the party, Sheikh Naim Qassem, said that the truce has ended and there is no extension for a single day, and the resistance determines the form, nature and timing of the confrontation, and the extension is an Israeli-American understanding that is not binding on it. It is clear that there is official Lebanese fluidity in the position on the calm, while there is a decisive position on it from the party, and this reflects the ambiguity of the Lebanese position, which is supposed to To be clear, firm and solid, the Lebanese popular masses who marched to return to their occupied border villages, and faced Israeli bullets and tanks from point zero, and paid the price of their steadfastness and march with martyrs and wounded, more than 25 martyrs and 128 wounded, their positions were more advanced than the positions of the government and the army, and those who say from the Americans and Zionists inside Lebanon, that the regional and international circumstances have changed, and that the army is now capable of defending Lebanon, and that the resistance’s weapons have become a burden on the southerners, what is happening in southern Lebanon and Israel’s procrastination and delay in implementing the terms of the truce, says what Sheikh Naim Qassem said that the trilogy of “the people, the army and the resistance” is the trilogy that protects Lebanon’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, security and stability. The return and mass march of the Palestinian and Lebanese masses to the northern Gaza Strip and to the villages of southern Lebanon, dropped the strategic goals of the Israeli war on both fronts, those goals that Netanyahu and his War Council had set. With the beginning of the ground war on the villages of southern Lebanon, in which the Israeli army used five divisions and two brigades, in order to achieve a victory that would enable it to impose its conditions and dictates on the Lebanese resistance, Israel raised the ceiling of its security and military demands, no withdrawal without disarming the resistance, maintaining a security zone in southern Lebanon decided by Israel, freedom of movement for its army in southern Lebanon, and continued violation of Lebanese airspace. However, with the deepening and expansion of the ground war, the Lebanese and Palestinian resistances called for an immediate ceasefire, and emphasized the comprehensive Israeli withdrawal, in a way that would prevent Israel from achieving any security and political gains. With the failure of the Israeli army to achieve any serious breakthrough in the villages and towns of southern Lebanon, it began to lower the ceiling of its demands, to negotiate under fire, and replace the disarmament of the resistance with its withdrawal beyond the Litani, considering this an item of Resolution (1701). On the Gaza Strip front, the Israeli response was not an absolute withdrawal, but with the resistance dragging his army into a long battle and war of attrition, and entering a phase of exhaustion, fatigue, and a decline in fighting spirit and morale, he began to talk about a withdrawal conditional on ensuring security control over strategic points and axes, as he claims, necessary for his security, the Netzarim and Philadelphi axes, and he accompanied this demand with a demand to eliminate the Palestinian resistance, and when he began to confirm the impossibility of achieving the goal, he linked the ceasefire to a prisoner exchange truce that he did not commit to ending the war in, inventing the theory of the day after the end of the war, and its axis is finding an alternative government for Hamas in Gaza, and to "bury" the scenes of the handover of Israeli prisoners in the first and second batches of the first stage of the prisoner exchange deal, Netanyahu's dreams of what is called a strategic victory and the elimination of Hamas militarily and its civil rule, and for the Israeli press, military commentators, and security leaders to make him a "mockery" by saying that these scenes speak of a strategic defeat, surrender, and strategic victory for Hamas. The ceasefire in the Gaza Strip had major repercussions on Netanyahu's government and Israeli society. The war government was threatened with collapse due to Ben Gvir and his party's withdrawal from the government and coalition. He described what happened with scenes and pictures of the exchange deals, not only as a strategic victory for Hamas and a threat to Israeli national security, but also as a "national" insult to every Israeli. The military establishment was not spared from these repercussions, as there is a "massacre" of resignations, which was opened by Aharon Haliva, the head of the internal military intelligence "Aman", as well as Herzi Halevi, the Chief of Staff and the commander of the 8200 spy unit and the commander of the Southern Division, the commander of the Northern Gaza Brigade, the commander of the Air Force and the commander of the Navy, all the way to Gonen Bar, the head of the General Security Service "Shabak". Pictures of the tears of the Israeli soldiers withdrawing from the Netzarim axis, and the statements of the head of the Metula settlement, David Azoulay, about what is known as the overwhelming victory, this victory was achieved in the popular return of the residents of the Lebanese town of Houla facing the settlements of Margaliot and Metula, and one of the leaders of the Israeli army told the Hebrew Channel 12 that the settlers in the north did not have the motivation and drive to return, as was the case with the residents of the southern Lebanese villages who returned and crawled to their villages under the fire of the Israeli army, and therefore the tears of the Israeli soldiers withdrawing from the Netzarim axis and the blood that prompted the Lebanese in Maroun al-Ras to return to the southern villages, say who won and who was defeated on The two fronts. The return of hundreds of thousands of Gazans to their destroyed homes in the north, on foot, sends a clear message to Israel that this is a rehearsal for the coming great return, and there will be no further displacement, no generals’ plan to separate the north of the Strip from its south, no return to settlement in the Gaza Strip, and no geographical “engineering” of it, as the extremist Smotrich dreams of, to reduce the population of Gaza by half in the next two years by encouraging voluntary migration as well as forced migration, and there will be no success for Trump’s project to displace our Palestinian people to many countries, most notably Egypt and Jordan, which categorically rejected Trump’s project and plan, as the land of the Gaza Strip is not a tempting commercial deal for speculation and making profits, but rather the land of a people with a cause and political national rights, and part of a future Palestinian state. These projects and plans are now behind the backs of the Palestinian people, and the crying over the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip, and saying that it has become an uninhabitable land, the goal is not to build and reconstruct Gaza, and serve the Palestinian people, but rather to have buffer zones in the Gaza Strip, and in southern Lebanon, to protect Israel’s security.